David Miliband was right when he wrote on these pages that the use of the term "war on terror" has been a mistake. But the main problem with the war on terror has not been language, but conduct. This week the joint committee on human rights held a hearing on allegations of British complicity in torture in Pakistan, to which Jacqui Smith has been asked to respond. They suggest a policy of condoning torture in the interests of national security.
For now, the army appears to have opted for a strategic retreat from the political arena. Its former leader, President Pervez Musharraf, though characteristically unrepentant and unashamed, nevertheless stands humiliated and diminished.
Over the last three months, President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan has presided over the systematic and ruthless destruction of the building blocks of a democratic, pluralistic, rights-respecting society. The fired Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and many of his colleagues remain under house arrest, as do leading lawyers, and the media is operating under heavy censorship. While the November state of emergency has been lifted, most of its odious provisions have been kept under the ‘restored’ constitution.
Pervez Musharraf, president of Pakistan and serial coup-maker, kept his "promise" to the west, lifting on December 15 the state of emergency he imposed on November 3, resigning from his position as army chief and calling parliamentary elections for January 8 next year. The international media that had descended on Islamabad in droves has largely gone home and the crisis is over. London and Washington are congratulating themselves on a job well done: Musharraf is now a "civilian president", the constitution stands "restored", and full democracy is around the corner.
So far the UK government has responded to General Musharraf's crackdown in Pakistan with words but no action. In formulaic statements Gordon Brown and his ministers have called for the lifting of the state of emergency, the release of those arrested, an end to restrictions on the media and the holding of elections next January. But there is little sign of any willingness to put serious pressure on Musharraf to do any of this.
In return for cooperation in the war on terror since 9/11, the United States has provided Pakistan's military ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, with billions of dollars in aid and almost total support in his quest to remain president — until recently.
Shumail Raj and Shehzina Tariq have become the centre of a tragedy known throughout Pakistan and the world. Who are they? Eight months ago, Shumail and Shehzina were married in a ceremony that Shehzina describes as “a love marriage.” But since their story became public, they have been called every sort of name by reporters, lawyers, comedians, by people in the street.
Seven months after the United Nations General Assembly created a Human Rights Council to replace the much-maligned Commission on Human Rights, the new council already has garnered a level of condemnation that its predecessor took decades to achieve. While the council is in deep trouble, it can be saved if supporters of human rights exert leadership and mount an effective drive to win over moderate states from all regions of the world.
Unless its army can focus on confronting them, Pakistan risks bending to the fundamentalists' will, says Ali Dayan Hasan.
David Miliband was right when he wrote on these pages that the use of the term "war on terror" has been a mistake. But the main problem with the war on terror has not been language, but conduct. This week the joint committee on human rights held a hearing on allegations of British complicity in torture in Pakistan, to which Jacqui Smith has been asked to respond. They suggest a policy of condoning torture in the interests of national security.
An Interview with Kenneth Roth, Executive Director of Human Rights Watch
For now, the army appears to have opted for a strategic retreat from the political arena. Its former leader, President Pervez Musharraf, though characteristically unrepentant and unashamed, nevertheless stands humiliated and diminished.
Over the last three months, President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan has presided over the systematic and ruthless destruction of the building blocks of a democratic, pluralistic, rights-respecting society. The fired Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and many of his colleagues remain under house arrest, as do leading lawyers, and the media is operating under heavy censorship. While the November state of emergency has been lifted, most of its odious provisions have been kept under the ‘restored’ constitution.
Pervez Musharraf, president of Pakistan and serial coup-maker, kept his "promise" to the west, lifting on December 15 the state of emergency he imposed on November 3, resigning from his position as army chief and calling parliamentary elections for January 8 next year. The international media that had descended on Islamabad in droves has largely gone home and the crisis is over. London and Washington are congratulating themselves on a job well done: Musharraf is now a "civilian president", the constitution stands "restored", and full democracy is around the corner.
So far the UK government has responded to General Musharraf's crackdown in Pakistan with words but no action. In formulaic statements Gordon Brown and his ministers have called for the lifting of the state of emergency, the release of those arrested, an end to restrictions on the media and the holding of elections next January. But there is little sign of any willingness to put serious pressure on Musharraf to do any of this.
In return for cooperation in the war on terror since 9/11, the United States has provided Pakistan's military ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, with billions of dollars in aid and almost total support in his quest to remain president — until recently.
Shumail Raj and Shehzina Tariq have become the centre of a tragedy known throughout Pakistan and the world. Who are they? Eight months ago, Shumail and Shehzina were married in a ceremony that Shehzina describes as “a love marriage.” But since their story became public, they have been called every sort of name by reporters, lawyers, comedians, by people in the street.
Seven months after the United Nations General Assembly created a Human Rights Council to replace the much-maligned Commission on Human Rights, the new council already has garnered a level of condemnation that its predecessor took decades to achieve. While the council is in deep trouble, it can be saved if supporters of human rights exert leadership and mount an effective drive to win over moderate states from all regions of the world.