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Over the past five years, India has shut down the internet more than any other country.

State governments use internet shutdowns to try to weaken, or prevent protests. They’ve also flipped the off switch in response to communal violence and other law-and-order concerns. They’ve used shutdowns as a kind of collective punishment, for example when security forces feel they’re not getting enough public help in the hunt for a fugitive.

They’ve even shut down the internet in entire districts to prevent cheating during exams in schools and for government jobs.

The authorities’ hair-trigger approach to blocking connectivity impacts millions in their daily lives, especially those in rural areas. They depend on internet access through mobile phones for everything from banking, to paying utility bills, to accessing necessary official documents.

As a 35-year-old Dalit woman with five children from Rajasthan told researchers for a new report: “When the internet is shut down, I have no work, do not get paid, cannot withdraw any money from my account, and cannot even get food rations.”

Internet shutdowns also impact key social protection policies like the one providing subsidized food grains. People have to link their ration card with a biometric identity system, and food grain distribution points require that authentication – which needs a connection to the internet to work.

The government has pushed to have a lot of services online in recent years. It’s been a major effort called “Digital India,” making the internet fundamental to every aspect of life.

That makes it stranger still – and more problematic from a human-rights standpoint – that authorities keep shutting down the internet again and again. On the one hand, they’ve made connectivity essential. On the other, they too often make it impossible.

The internet has become too important in people’s day-to-day lives to turn it off on a whim or to use shutdowns as a default policing measure.

As my colleague and expert Jayshree Bajoria, says: “Cutting off access to the internet should be the absolute last resort, with safeguards to ensure people aren’t deprived of their livelihoods and basic rights.”

A new report exposes yet more appalling crimes by Rwanda-backed M23 rebels in eastern DR Congo.

It details unlawful killings, rape, and other apparent war crimes. Attacks with explosive weapons in populated areas have killed and injured civilians, damaged infrastructure, and exacerbated an already dire humanitarian crisis.

One particular case stands out: Kishishe, a village in North Kivu province. After M23 withdrew from Kishishe, HRW was able to investigate reports of M23 killings there. Our team documented 14 mass graves with scores of bodies. It’s likely only a fraction of total burial sites.

The bodies are believed to be those of villagers and captured militia members that M23 fighters executed between November and April.

For the living facing continued fighting and insecurity, the suffering is only compounded by the declaration of martial law and the collaboration of the Congolese army with various armed groups, mostly along ethnic lines.

Rwanda’s role is especially pernicious. With troops deployed in eastern Congo, the Rwandan army provides direct military support to M23, helping them expand their control over Rutshuru and neighboring Masisi territories.

Yet the Rwandan government’s response to the overwhelming evidence of their backing for M23 is basically, “Who? Us?” But, as we’ve written here before,  their absurd denials fool no one.

This deadly charade must end. At the very least, the UN Security Council, the EU, and other international actors should add M23 leaders and the Rwandan officials who assist them to their existing sanctions lists.

And foreign governments currently providing military assistance to Rwanda should recognize that – just like Rwandan officials – they, too, may be complicit in M23 atrocities.

(written by Aiza Rodrigues Akhtar)  

Kyrgyzstan’s parliament is considering a new, highly repressive draft law targeting nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).

It would require NGOs to register with the justice ministry as “foreign representatives” if they receive funding from abroad and engage in political activity.  

One problem is the wide-open definition of political activity: “actions aimed at changing state policy and shaping public opinion for these purposes.” That could cover just about anything.

The draft law also expands the information NGOs would need to report to the government. Groups would have to provide details about staff, their salaries, group financial assets, and property.

Possible penalties for failing to comply with the law would include frozen bank accounts and prison sentences for staff of as much as ten years. 

In sum, the draft is yet another assault on freedom of association and freedom of expression, which have increasingly come under pressure in the country over the last year.

Kyrgyzstan’s international partners – the EU, the US, and the UN – will hopefully convince the country’s leadership to drop it.

(compiled by Lisa Maier)

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