September 30, 2008

Arrest, Detention, Rendition, and Torture

Conflict in Somalia

In June 2006, an alliance of Islamic courts (Islamic Courts Union, ICU) took control of Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, driving the then-ruling Somali warlords from power.[1] Although many Mogadishu residents welcomed the security brought by the ICU, the bellicose, Islamist bent of some ICU leaders set off alarm bells in Washington and Addis Ababa.


Among the leadership of the ICU was Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, a former leader of the militant Islamist group known as al-Itihaad, which the United States designated a terrorist group shortly after September 11, 2001.[2] US officials warned that the ICU was sheltering suspects responsible for the 1998 US embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania, stoking fears that Somalia was fostering Islamic radicalism.[3]

Ethiopia had its own reasons for concern. Ethiopia's archrival Eritrea supported the ICU, and joint ICU-Eritrean support for Ethiopian insurgency groups, such as the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), added to the Ethiopian government's fears.[4] In December 2006, following the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1725 authorizing an African Union intervention in Somalia, a US-backed Ethiopian offensive ousted the ICU from Mogadishu and installed the weak Somali Transitional Federal Government in its place. The fighting caused hundreds of people to head towards the Kenyan border, including some suspected of terrorist and insurgent links.[5]

Arrests and Detentions in Kenya and Somalia

As hundreds fled the fighting, Kenyan military and police officers stepped up security along the Kenyan border. During late December 2006 and January 2007, Kenyan security forces arrested at least 150 individuals of some 18 different nationalities-including US, UK, and Canadian citizens-at the Liboi and Kiunga border crossing points with Somalia. Men, women, and children, some as young as seven months old, were then transferred to prisons and other detention facilities in and around Nairobi.

Most were held for weeks without access to a lawyer, family members, or diplomatic representatives, and without charge (with one exception), in violation of international law. Their detentions were neither in compliance with Kenyan immigration law[6] nor criminal law, which requires a criminal suspect to be charged as soon as is practicable (presumed to be within 24 hours in all non-capital cases and 14 days in all capital cases).[7]

A 23-year-old pregnant woman from Kenya who was arrested in Kiunga said she was held in a filthy jail cell along with a nine-year-old boy. She told Human Rights Watch that when Kenyan police officers learned that her husband had been killed in the fighting in Somalia, they joked about it, saying that now they would date her. When family members tried to visit her, they were turned away. "I used to cry every night," she said. "It was hell."[8]

Several detainees reported being interrogated by plainclothes Kenyan police officers who worked for the Anti-Terrorism Police Unit (ATPU), a specialized wing of the Kenyan police that was set up in 2003 and receives several million dollars in US support each year.[9]

Kenyan security forces and foreign intelligence services also closely cooperated during this initial detention and interrogation phase. US nationals Daniel Maldonado and Amir Meshal, and four UK nationals, were questioned by US and UK intelligence agents, respectively, while at the same time being denied access to a lawyer or even an opportunity to make a phone call.[10]

In some cases, family members, aided by human rights organizations such as the Muslim Human Rights Forum, hired lawyers for these detainees. Lawyers filed more than 30 habeas petitions on their behalf. But in several cases, the authorities blatantly disregarded court orders and ongoing judicial proceedings by moving detainees to other places of detention or rendering them to Somalia.[11]

Others were arrested by the Ethiopian military in Somalia before they ever made it across the border into Kenya. Individuals reported being beaten-sometimes brutally-by the Ethiopian forces that captured them.[12] One detainee described being taken to a US outpost near the Kenyan border, but still inside Somalia, where two plainclothes US officials interrogated him for several hours before he was flown to Kismayo and Addis Ababa.[13]

Renditions to Somalia and Ethiopia

Over the course of three weeks-on January 20, January 27, and February 10, 2007-Kenyan officials secretly-without notifying relatives or lawyers-flew at least 85 people, including 19 women and 15 children, from Kenya to Somalia.[14] The January flights were chartered by African Express Airways from Jomo Kenyatta International Airport to Mogadishu; and the February flight was chartered by Bluebird Aviation from Wilson Airport to Baidoa, about 250 kilometers northwest of Mogadishu in Somalia.

Individuals described being called out of their cells in the early hours of the morning, transported to the airport, and then handcuffed, blindfolded, and boarded onto planes, without ever being told where they were being taken or why.

When the planes arrived in Mogadishu and Baidoa, Kenyan authorities handed the detainees over to Ethiopian military forces. As one detainee described the scene in Mogadishu:

The plane was surrounded by Ethiopian military when we got off. We were brought to an open area near the plane and blindfolded. Two soldiers grabbed me and yelled at me: "You are a terrorist. We will kill you. We will sell you." Then they took me to a so dusty room in the airport with the others where we spent two nights.[15]


Some were flown to Addis Ababa within days, where they were held in various detention facilities. Other detainees reported being driven from Mogadishu to Baidoa, where they were held for months without charge, and interrogated and tortured by men in Ethiopian military uniforms. From there, Ethiopian authorities transported them to a military detention facility in Awassa, Ethiopia, and finally on to another military detention facility in Ambo, Ethiopia, where the torture reportedly continued.

In February 2007, Kenyan officials arrested a then-34-year-old Kenyan, Mohammed Abdulmalik, as he was crossing into Kenya from Somalia.[16] Abdulmalik was then transported to Nairobi, where he was held without charge, without access to a lawyer or family members, and without ever being brought before a judge. Reportedly moved out of his Nairobi jail cell on February 27, he effectively disappeared until March 26, 2007, when the US Department of Defense issued a press release saying that Abdulmalik had been transferred to Guantanamo.[17]

In July 2007, Kenyan officials also secretly expelled another group of three men overland into Somalia, all of whom were ultimately taken into Ethiopian custody. The Ethiopian authorities released two of these men in July 2008, but one, Adbikadir Mohamed Adan, remains in custody in an Ethiopian prison in Addis Ababa.[18]

Those arrested by Ethiopian forces in southern Somalia reported being taken to Kismayo, then to Baidoa and on from there.[19]

US Intelligence in Addis Ababa

A US government official confirmed to Human Rights Watch that agents of both the Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation questioned detainees in Addis Ababa in early 2007.[20]

Former detainees interviewed by Human Rights Watch have consistently described US intelligence agents as operating out of a villa. Every morning, Ethiopian guards reportedly called some number of detainees out of their cells, blindfolded them, and drove them to the villa to be interrogated by US personnel. Every night the guards returned the detainees to various detention sites throughout Addis Ababa, where they were held without access to international monitors such as the ICRC, lawyers, or consular representatives, and were not allowed to contact their family members to inform them of their whereabouts.

One detainee said that during one of these interrogation sessions, the US officials yelled in his ear so loudly that he was convinced he would lose his hearing.[21] Another described being forced to stand for some five hours between interrogations with his hands cuffed in a painful position behind his back.[22] Others said that the US officials photographed and fingerprinted them, and then asked numerous questions. One detainee told Human Rights Watch:

They wanted to know where I was from, what I was doing in Somalia, why I was there. They didn't believe me for such a long time. They also kept on showing me pictures of people I didn't know and trying to get me to identify them.[23]

One detainee described being returned each night to a villa guarded by Ethiopian police, where the lights were kept on around the clock, music was blaring, and his hands and legs were tied together so that he could not move around his cell.[24]

Another detainee described being held for nearly two months in solitary confinement in a two-by-two meter corrugated metal cage. He said that he was moved to a communal cell in April 2007, around the same time that the US personnel stopped interrogating him.[25]

By May 2007, interrogations by foreign intelligence officials had reportedly ended. Within a few months, almost all of the detained foreign nationals had been sent home, leaving a Canadian-Ethiopian named Bashir Makhtal, several Kenyans, and an unknown number of Somalis and Eritreans.[26]

US government officials did not respond to Human Rights Watch's request for additional comment. But US officials have previously argued that they were following the law and justified in their actions because they were investigating past attacks and current threats of terrorism.[27]

Some former detainees described being interrogated by other foreign intelligence officers as well. Human Rights Watch was not able to confirm these allegations. [28]

US Aid to the Region

In addition to its direct role in interrogations, the US government provided indirect support to Kenyan and Ethiopian actions through the millions of dollars channeled specifically to Kenyan and Ethiopian counterterrorism initiatives and other security-related programs.

In fiscal year 2007, the United States sent Ethiopia some $12 million and Kenya $5 million in security-related assistance.[29] Both countries also shared in the $14.2 million provided to Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti, and Tanzania as part of a new East Africa Regional Security Initiative.[30]

In fiscal year 2008, an estimated $9.4 and $18.4 million in security-related funds are expected to flow from the United States to Ethiopia and Kenya, respectively. More than $1 million is specifically allocated to Kenya's Anti-Terrorism Police Unit, the unit that reportedly took the lead in the arrests, detentions, and interrogations in Kenya.[31]

The Ethiopian Role

The Ethiopian government served as the detaining authority for foreign nationals of interest to US and possibly other foreign intelligence officers. For four months between February and May 2007, Ethiopian police and military officers transported detainees back and forth from their cells to interrogation sessions by US officials.

Between March and May 2007, Ethiopian authorities also brought several of these detainees to military court, where they were asked a series of biographical questions and then sent back to their prison cells. To our knowledge, none of the detainees were represented by a lawyer, and none were charged with a crime.

When US officials lost interest in those held, so did their Ethiopian counterparts. Within a month of the last reported interrogation by a US intelligence officer, almost all of the foreigners from outside the region-including several Swedes, an American, a Dane, and a South African-were released. Of those known to have been interrogated by the United States, only eight remain in Ethiopian custody.[32]

The Ethiopians also used the rendition program for their own purposes.

For years, the Ethiopian military has been trying to quell domestic Ogadeni and Oromo insurgencies that receive support from neighboring countries such as Eritrea.[33] The multinational rendition program allowed them to take custody of a number of people with suspected insurgent links.

Most of these men were never taken to Addis Ababa, but instead were brought from Baidoa to military detention in Awassa, Ethiopia, and then further military detention in Ambo. At each stage, Ethiopian military interrogators and guards reportedly subjected detainees to brutal beatings and torture. Detainees said that guards pulled out their toenails, held loaded guns to their heads, crushed their genitals, and forced them to crawl on their elbows and knees on gravel until they were bloodied and exhausted. They were forced to sign (or fingerprint) papers they could not read. One detainee released in 2008 explained:

They handcuffed me and tied my legs together and sat me against the wall. I was told that I was a member of the ICU. I was told that I was a terrorist. I was told that I was a member of the ONLF. I told them they were wrong. Then they started beating me. They used a big wooden stick and a metal rod and beat me on my knees, on my elbows, and on my wrists. Eventually I fainted. When I woke there were burns on the back of my left shoulder. I think they may have used electricity.[34]

Whereas international attention focused on the Western nationals caught up in the rendition program, little attention has focused on these men, who suffered horrific abuse and torture. Several, such as Noor and Yusuf, whose stories are detailed below, were released in February 2008 after months in detention, with only an apology. Both are now living in refugee camps on the Kenyan border, fearing for their safety and still suffering from the torture.

The "Disappeared"

In April 2007, the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs acknowledged that Ethiopia was holding in its custody at least 41 individuals who had been transferred from Kenya. It subsequently released all the women and children, as well as several men, between April and August 2007. But Ethiopian officials have never acknowledged the detention of the other rendition victims, even though all accounts indicate that the more than 85 men and women flown to Somalia from Nairobi were handed over to Ethiopian military forces then operating in Somalia as soon as they landed. HumanRights Watch's request for information from the Ethiopian authorities (see Appendix A) was never answered.

As discussed in the section "International Legal Standards" below, an enforced disappearance occurs when state officials or agents arrest or detain an individual followed by a refusal to disclose the fate or whereabouts of the person or a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of their liberty, which places the person outside the protection of the law.[35]

Nine Kenyan nationals and one Canadian-Ethiopian remain in Ethiopian prisons, some 15 to 21 months after they were first arrested. The whereabouts of 22 Somalis, Ethiopian Ogadenis, Eritreans, and Kenyans rendered to Somalia in early 2007 remain unknown.

The following men are known to be in custody in Addis Ababa:

· Bashir Makhtal, a dual Canadian-Ethiopian citizen, born in Ethiopia and granted refugee status by Canada in 1991. Kenyan officials arrested Makhtal at a border crossing in December 2006, secretly flew him to Mogadishu on January 20, 2007, and handed him over to Ethiopian authorities. Three days later, Ethiopian officials flew Makhtal from Mogadishu to Addis Ababa, where he was placed in solitary confinement and kept separate from other detainees.[36] Makhtal's grandfather was reportedly a founding member of the ONLF, which undoubtedly made Makhtal a prime suspect for the Ethiopians.[37]

A now-released detainee who last saw Makhtal in July 2007, as Makhtal was being escorted from the toilet at a prison in Addis Ababa, described his condition: "He was limping. He had a deep cut in one of his legs. He looked weak. He looked so famished."[38]

Still in Addis Ababa, Makhtal is reportedly slated for trial before a military tribunal for terrorism-related activities and could face the death penalty. In July 2008, Makhtal received his very first consular visit in Ethiopia, some 16 months after he had been rendered there. In August 2008, a representative of the Canadian government who met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said that Makhtal would have legal representation at his trial.[39] But his lawyer continues to be denied access and, as far as Human Rights Watch knows, no subsequent consular visits have been allowed.

· Eight Kenyans rendered to Ethiopia in January and February 2007: Said Khamis Mohammed, Kassim Mwarusi, Ali Musa Mwarusi, Swaleh Ali Tunza, Hassan Shaaban Mwazume, Bashir Chirag Hussein, Abdallah Khalfan Tondwe, and Salim Awadh Salim.[40]

Seven of these men (all but Salim Awadh Salim) were told that they were going to be released in May 2007, only to be moved to a private house that served as a detention facility in the outskirts of Addis Ababa. They were held there for almost a year, before being moved back to an old police station where they had been held previously. There, they rejoined Salim.

In February 2007, another Kenyan escaped from detention. The Ethiopian police reportedly retaliated against the remaining Kenyans, subjecting them to a brutal beating. Officers were said to have broken the leg of Swaleh Ali Tunza, a 40-year-old Kenyan who now fears he may ultimately lose his leg. Another detainee, 50-year-old Bashir Chirag Hussein, is reportedly weak and in constant pain, due in part to the beatings by the Ethiopian police. A third, Abdallah Khalfan Tondwe, said that he can no longer use his left hand. Beatings reportedly compounded the injuries Tondwe suffered in a car accident when being transported from Mombasa to Nairobi after his initial arrest.[41]

The detainees described insufficient food, inadequate healthcare, and unsanitary conditions in detention. None of the detainees have ever been permitted visits by family members or an international humanitarian organization such as the ICRC, and none have had access to a lawyer since they were brought to Ethiopia.

In phone interviews with Human Rights Watch, the Kenyan detainees spoke of their plight. "I can't sleep well. I miss my family. Please, I need you to help us to go home," said one detainee.[42]

"I am Kenyan. My mother is Kenyan. My father is Kenyan. Everyone else has been sent home. Why am I still here? Why isn't Kenya helping us?" said another.[43]

In August 2008, Kenyan police officers visited these men for the first time since they were deported. The officers reportedly told the eight Kenyans that they would be released within weeks.[44]

  • Adbikadir Mohamed Adan-a Kenyan-Somali arrested in July 2007 in Kenya. Kenyan officials reportedly drove Amen and two others across the border, where they were eventually turned over to Ethiopian custody. The other two men were released in June 2008, but Amen remains incarcerated in an old police station in Addis Ababa. He is reportedly being held in solitary confinement in a two-by-two-meter cell, separated from the other Kenyans in the facility.[45]

The whereabouts of another 22 men who were rendered from Kenya to Somalia in January 2007 remain unknown. These men were listed as passengers on the January 20 and 27 flight manifests, yet have not been heard from since. They may have been released; they may still be in Ethiopian custody; or they may have been transferred elsewhere:[46]

1.Tafara Basisa-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Ethiopian Oromo)

2.Lama Takal-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Ethiopian Oromo)

3.Badada Lami-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Ethiopian Oromo)

4.Tesfale Kidane-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Eritrean)

5.Saleh Idris-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Eritrean)

6.Hussein Ali Said-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Kenyan)

7.Salama Ngama-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Kenyan)

8.Saidi Shifa-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Kenyan)

9.Tsumo Solomon Adan Ayila-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Kenyan)

10.Mugeta Tasiifa-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

11.Nur Mohammad Zain-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

12.Mohammad Hassan-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

13.Abdullahi Mohammad-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

14.Sakata Sakare-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

15.Shariff Jamal-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

16.Jamal Abdal-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

17.Ahmed Hassan-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

18.Mohammad Abdullah-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

19.Abdijani Ahmed-rendered 1/20/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

20.Abdulrashid Mohamed-rendered 1/27/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Kenyan)

21.Abdi Kadir Maalin-rendered 1/27/07 to Mogadishu (reportedly Somali)

22.Hassan Shaban-rendered 1/27/07 to Mogadishu (nationality unknown)

[1] In December 2004, several Islamic law (sharia) courts joined forces under the leadership of Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, a schoolteacher from Mogadishu, to form the Islamic Courts Union (ICU). By October 2006, the ICU was in control of seven of the ten regions of south-central Somalia.

[2] For a further analysis of the rise of the Islamic Courts Union in Somalia and related US concerns, see Human Rights Watch, Shell-Shocked: Civilians Under Siege in Mogadishu¸ vol. 19, no. 12(A), August 2007,, pp. 19-22.

[3] Mike Pflanz, "Al-Qaeda taking over Mogadishu, says US," The Daily Telegraph, December 16, 2006 (quoting US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer).

[4] Although the relationship between ICU leaders and Ethiopian insurgencies has never been fully explained, the ONLF and OLF both had a presence in Mogadishu in 2006. In addition, both the ONLF and OLF had previously received Eritrean training as well as logistical and military support. See Human Rights Watch, Collective Punishment: War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity in the Ogaden area of Ethiopia's Somali Region, June 2008,, pp. 29-30; see also Human Rights Watch, Shell-Shocked, pp. 17-18, 22-23. For a history of the conflict between the Ethiopian government and the ONLF, see Human Rights Watch, Collective Punishment, pp. 13-32.

[5] See Human Rights Watch, Shell-Shocked, pp. 23-26.

[6]Under Kenyan immigration law, those unlawfully in Kenya can be detained pending removal pursuant to an order in writing from the Minister. See Immigration Act (Kenya), sec. 8, as amended 1972. Kenyan law also gives immigration and police officers the authority to arrest those believed to be unlawfully present. Immigration Act, sec. 12. But pursuant to the Kenyan Constitution, art. 72(2), infra n. 7, the individual must either be charged with a crime or subject to a removal order as soon as is reasonably practicable, which is presumed to be 24 hours in non-capital cases. Human Rights Watch is only aware of three deportation orders being issued in these cases, none of which were issued within the 24-hour time limit. Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Harun Ndubi, Kenyan lawyer, September 23, 2008.

[7]Constitution of Kenya, art. 72(2), as amended 1998. If the defendant has not been brought to court within these time periods, then the government has the burden of proving that it was not reasonably practicable to bring the defendant to court sooner.

[8] Human Rights Watch interview with former detainee, Nairobi, February 23 and 26, 2007 (name withheld).

[9] Human Rights Watch has learned that the ATPU is expected to receive some US$3 million in direct and indirect US aid in fiscal year 2008.

[10] Raymond Bonner, "A Lark Back to Africa Turns Into Somali Nightmare," International Herald Tribune, April 16, 2007; Judy Peet, "Family Asks Congress' Aid to Rescue Son," The Star-Ledger, May 17, 2007; Al-Amin Kimanthi and Alan Butt, eds., Muslim Human Rights Forum, Horn of Terror: Revised Edition, September 2008, pp. 28-29; Muslim Human Rights Forum, Horn of Terror: Report of US-Led Mass Extra-ordinary Renditions from Kenya to Somalia, Ethiopia, and Guantanamo Bay, July 6, 2007, p. 10.

[11] Muslim Human Rights Forum, Horn of Terror, July 6, 2007, p. 8; Muslim Human Rights Forum, Horn of Terror: Revised Edition, September 2008, pp. 22-23.

[12] Human Rights Watch interviews with former detainees, Nairobi, July 20, 2008, and Ifo Refugee Camp, Kenya, July 23 and 24, 2008 (names withheld); Human Rights Watch telephone interview with former detainee, September 9, 2008 (name withheld).

[13] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with former detainee, September 9, 2008 (name withheld). This account is consistent with other descriptions of a US presence in Ras Kamboni, Somalia, in January 2007. See Human Rights Watch, Shell-Shocked, p. 25, n. 82.

[14] Although the flight manifests list only 85 individuals, there are indications that many more may have been rendered from Kenya to Somalia in early 2007. See, for instance, Muslim Human Rights Forum, Horn of Terror: Revised Edition, September 2008, p. 10, n. 3. For copies of the flight manifests, see Horn of Terror: Revised Edition, pp. 52-55.

[15] Human Rights Watch Interview with former detainee, Nairobi, July 20, 2008 (name withheld).

[16] Official Report, [Kenyan] National Assembly, April 3, 2007, p. 285 (Mr. Munya, Assistant Minister, Office of the President, acknowledging Abdulmalik's arrest and subsequent deportation). Although Kenyan authorities have denied that Abdulmalik has Kenyan citizenship, Human Rights Watch spoke to family members and neighbors who confirmed that Abdulmalik was born in Kenya to parents with Kenyan citizenship.

[17] US Department of Defense Press Release, no. 343-07, March 26, 2007. Kenyan authorities have claimed that they deported Abdulmalik to Somalia and do not know how he ended up in US custody in Guantanamo. See Official Report, [Kenyan] National Assembly, April 3, 2007, pp. 285-286.

[18] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Al-Amin Kimanthi, August 28, 2008; Human Rights Watch telephone interview with detainee, August 27, 2008 (name withheld).

[19] Human Rights Watch interview with former detainees, Nairobi, July 30, 2008 (names withheld); Human Rights Watch telephone interviews with former detainee, August 17 and 19, 2007, and September 9, 2008 (name withheld).

[20] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with FBI official, September 19, 2008 (name withheld).

[21] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with detainee, August 27, 2008 (name withheld).

[22] Human Rights Watch interview with former detainee, July 9, 2007 (name and place withheld).

[23] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with detainee, August 27, 2008 (name withheld).

[24] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with former detainee, September 9, 2008 (name withheld).

[25] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with detainee, August 27, 2008 (name withheld).

[26] One of the Kenyans reportedly escaped in February 2008. Although the Kenyan government has long disputed these men's claims of Kenyan citizenship, documents provided to Human Rights Watch by Al-Amin Kimanthi of the Muslim Human Rights Forum strongly suggest that these men are in fact Kenyan, or at least have credible claims to Kenyan citizenship.

[27] Anthony Mitchell, "US Questions Terrorism Suspects at Secret Prison," Associated Press,April 3, 2007 (citing unnamed US government officials).

[28] Human Rights Watch telephone interviews with current and former detainees, August 27 and September 9, 2008 (names withheld). Human Rights interview with former detainee, July 9, 2007 (name and place withheld).

[29] These figures are the sum total of US government funding provided through the following programs: Foreign Military Financing (FMF), International Military Education and Training (IMET), Nonproliferation, Anti-terrorism, Demining and Related (NADR), Peacekeeping Operations (PKO), Regional Defense Combating Terrorism Fellowship Program (CTFP), and Department of Defense funding pursuant to Section 1206 of the FY2006 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA). See Congressional Budget Justification, Summary Tables, FY 2009, (accessed September 10, 2008), pp. 13-14; Nina Serafino, Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, Section 1206 of the National Defense Authorization Act for 2006, May 15, 2008, p. 4.

[30] Nina Serafino, Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, Section 1206 of the National Defense Authorization Act for 2006, May 15, 2008, p. 4.

[31] In addition, approximately $1.9 million-worth of security and law enforcement courses are expected to benefit the ATPU as well as other law enforcement agencies. Data provided to Human Rights Watch by US congressional staff.

[32] These are the eight still-detained Kenyans that were rendered from Kenya in January and February 2007. One more Kenyan was rendered in July 2007, making a total of nine Kenyans in Ethiopian custody as of this writing.

[33] For a detailed discussion of abuses perpetrated by the Ethiopian military against suspected insurgents, see Human Rights Watch, Collective Punishment. See also Human Rights Watch, Shell-Shocked, pp. 18-23.

[34] Human Rights Watch interview with former detainee, Nairobi, July 20, 2008 (name withheld).

[35] See UN Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances, adopted December 18, 1992, G.A. res. 47/133, 47 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 49) at 207, U.N. Doc. A/47/49 (1992), preamble.

[36] Human Rights Watch interview with Suleiman Abdi, Ifo Refugee Camp, July 23, 2008; Human Rights Watch interview with Ishmael Noor, Ifo Refugee Camp, July 24, 2008. Abdi was traveling with Makhtal at the time of their arrest; both Abdi and Noor were on the same plane with Makhtal from Nairobi to Mogadishu; and Ethiopian forces brought Noor and Makhtal together on the same plane to Addis Ababa. Suleiman Abdi and Ishmael Noor are pseudonyms.

[37] Debra Black, "Ottawa Finally Meets with Prisoner," Toronto Star, July 22, 2008.

[38] Human Rights Watch interview with former detainee, Ifo Refugee Camp, July 24, 2008 (name withheld).

[39] Paul Koring, "Canadian in Ethiopian Jail to Get Lawyer, Envoy Says," Globe and Mail, August 6, 2008; "Canadian in Ethiopia Could Face Death Penalty," CBC News, June 6, 2008.

[40] The Kenyan government has long disputed these men's claims of Kenyan citizenship. But documents provided to Human Rights Watch by Al-Amin Kimanthi of the Muslim Human Rights Forum strongly suggest that these men are in fact Kenyan, or at least have credible claims to Kenyan citizenship.

[41] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with detainee, August 27, 2008 (name withheld).

[42] Ibid.

[43] Ibid.

[44] "We Will Only Act After Getting Report," Sunday Nation, August 6, 2008 (Kenyan Minister of Foreign Affairs Moses Wetang'ula confirming that a team of Kenyan officers traveled to Ethiopia to interview the Kenyans reportedly in Ethiopia custody); Weekly Muslim News Update, "Expedite the Return of the Detainees," Friday News Bulletin, September 5, 2008 (quoting Kenyan Internal Security Minister George Saitoti as saying that he expected the Kenyans in Ethiopia to be repatriated "within a week"); Human Rights Watch telephone interview with detainees, August 27, 2008 (names withheld).

[45] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Al-Amin Kimanthi, Muslim Human Rights Forum, August 26, 2008.

[46] This list has been updated based on Human Rights Watch's information as of September 29, 2008. In addition to those that appeared on the flight manifests and are listed here, the names of two other s reportedly held in Mogadishu-Mohamed Said Mohamed and Nasru Toko, both said to be Kenyans-were relayed in text messages from fellow detainees to their relatives on January 21 and 22, 2007. Telephone interview with Al-Amin Kimanthi, September 29, 2008.