April 22, 2013

I. Promoting Ethnic Cleansing: June-October 2012

The Arakanese treated us so badly, stopping our food supply. One Arakanese said to me, “We will stop all food for you, and do you know why? We’ll do it so you’ll leave here quickly and permanently.”[1]
—Rohingya man from Pauktaw, Arakan State, referring to the situation before violent attacks in October 2012

Appeals for Ethnic Cleansing of Muslims

Beginning in June 2012, Arakanese political parties, local monks’ associations, and Arakanese civic groups made public statements and issued numerous pamphlets that directly or indirectly urged the ethnic cleansing of Rohingya from Arakan State and the country. The statements and pamphlets typically deny the existence of the Rohingya ethnicity, demonize the Rohingya, and call for their removal from the country. Most were issued following public meetings that national officials should have understood to be clear warning signs of imminent and serious violence.

The two groups most influential in organizing anti-Rohingya activities in this period were the local order of Buddhist monks (the sangha) and the locally powerful Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP), a party founded in 2010 by Arakanese nationalists. The RNDP currently holds 18 of the 45 seats in the state parliament, or hluttaw, and 14 seats in the national parliament.[2] The RNDP is the dominant party in the Arakan State parliament, making it the only political party in Burma to have more seats at the state level than the ruling Union State and Development Party (USDP).

In many instances, calls by monks and the RNDP for the ouster of Rohingya and Kaman Muslim communities were accompanied by instructions to the Buddhist population to socially and economically isolate them. The apparent aim was to cut off the remaining Muslims from income-generating activities, access to markets and food, and other basic services necessary for daily survival so that they would decide to leave.

Immediately after the first wave of sectarian violence in June 2012, local Buddhist monks circulated pamphlets calling for the isolation of Muslims. For instance, on June 29, monks in Sittwe distributed an incendiary pamphlet to the local Arakanese population, telling all Arakanese that they “Must not do business with Bengalis [Rohingya],” and “Must not associate with Bengalis [Rohingya].” The pamphlet alleged that the Rohingya sought to eliminate the Arakanese population, stating that the “Bengalis [Rohingya] who dwell on Arakanese land, drink Arakanese water, and rest under Arakanese shadows are now working for the extinction of the Arakanese.”[3] It implored the people to follow the demands to socially and economically isolate the Rohingya to prevent the “extinction of the Arakanese.”[4]

The day the pamphlet was distributed, a Buddhist monk in Sittwe who spearheaded the effort told Human Rights Watch:

This morning we handed our pamphlet out downtown [in Sittwe]. It is an announcement demanding that the Arakanese people must not sell anything to the Muslims or buy anything from them. The second point is the Arakanese people must not be friendly with the Muslim people. The reason for that is that the Muslim people are stealing our land, drinking our water, and killing our people. They are eating our rice and staying near our houses. So we will separate. We don’t want any connection to the Muslim people at all.[5]

This action was replicated by other Arakanese organizations throughout the state. On July 5, monks representing the sangha in Rathedaung Township, 30 kilometers north of Sittwe, held a meeting and subsequently issued a 12-point statement. The preamble unabashedly presents a plan for the ethnic cleansing of Rohingya: “‘Arakan Ethnic Cleansing Program’ of bad pagan Bengali (kalar) [derogatory term for Rohingya], taking advantage of our kindness to them, is revealed today.”[6]

The statement calls on Arakanese in Rathedaung Township to avoid employing Rohingya in a range of jobs, including day laborers, carpenters, masons, and in farming.[7] It also says Rohingya should not to be employed in government offices or by NGOs operating in the township, and that all NGOs providing aid to the Rohingya in the township must withdraw.[8]

On July 9, the monks' association in Mrauk-U released a similar statement:

The Arakanese people must understand that Bengalis [Rohingya] want to destroy the land of Arakan, are eating Arakan rice and plan to exterminate Arakanese people and use their money to buy weapons to kill Arakanese people. For this reason and from today, no Arakanese should sell any goods to Bengalis, hire Bengalis as workers, provide any food to Bengalis and have any dealings with them, as they are cruel by nature.[9]

The RNDP also played an instrumental role in stoking fear and encouraging isolation of and violence against the Rohingya. A public statement released by the RNDP on July 26, attributed to RNDP chairman Dr. Aye Maung,[10] says “the present Bengali population causes threats for the whole Arakan people and other ethnic groups.”[11] The party statement denies the existence of the Rohingya and refers to a “fabricated history,” stating the “Bengalis” are “damaging Arakan people and national sovereignty.” Finally, it urges a “complete solution,” including a call to “temporarily relocate” Rohingya “so that they do not reside mixed or close to Arakan people in Arakan State territorial towns and villages,” and to “transfer non-Burmese Bengali nationals to third countries.”[12]

In some cases, the RNDP issued warnings and threats against Arakanese found to be aiding or associating with Rohingya in any way.[13] Two photos of unknown provenance have emerged online showing Arakanese men who were found providing food to Rohingya. The men are shackled and in one photo, a homemade sign is placed around the neck of an Arakanese detainee in custody that states, “I am a traitor and slave of kalar.”[14] In the other photo, a shackled man is wearing a woman’s garment on his head, which is considered highly humiliating and culturally shameful for an Arakanese man.[15] Before these photos emerged, local Arakanese sympathetic to the plight of the Rohingya explained to Human Rights Watch that it would be extremely dangerous for them to go near the Rohingya IDP camps, let alone provide aid. They feared they might experience violence from their own community that would regard their actions as “traitorous.”[16]

In late September, a large two-day public meeting was held in Rathedaung that resulted in a public statement. There were approximately 2,000 Arakanese participants, including representatives from all 17 state townships and representatives from major political parties and social organizations. It was billed as the largest public meeting in modern Arakan history.[17] The discussion focused almost completely on the Rohingya.

Invidious Stereotyping and Unfounded Allegations of Rohingya “Terrorist” Plots

Many Arakanese view the Rohingya as monolithic group intent on waging an anti-Buddhist war in Arakan State or at least spreading fundamentalist Islam there, and throughout the country. Although Burma has a long and continuing history of ethnic armed movements, according to Martin Smith in his seminal work on Burma’s ethnic groups, “no insurgent group has made much progress in the Muslim community.”[18] Non-state armed groups called the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and the Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front (ARIF) were established in northern Arakan State in 1982 and 1987, respectively. But Smith and others agree these groups and others never posed a serious threat to the Burmese military state, their principal target, nor to Burmese society.[19]

Yet several Arakanese interviewed by Human Rights Watch referred to Rohingya as “kalar terrorists” and claimed “every mosque” in Arakan State has a store of weapons and that every imam has connections with al-Qaeda.[20] Local police and the Nasaka (officially Nay-Sat Kut-kwey Ye, the interagency border guard force comprising military, police, immigration, and customs) directly fueled these beliefs after the June violence, making statements to monks and the Arakanese populace that attributed violent characteristics to the Rohingya as a whole.

For instance, the Buddhist monk in Sittwe who initially led the campaign to isolate Muslims after the June violence told Human Rights Watch:

In Arakan State, the biggest mosque is near the Noble Hotel [in Sittwe]. The government found two boxes filled with weapons there, but they didn’t say anything to the media. Arakanese soldiers [police] told me they found it. They told the people too. The reason why the government is silent is that if they announce it, the problem will get bigger, not only in Burma but throughout the world.[21]

Another Arakanese man in Sittwe said:

It was widely rumored that arms and ammunitions were found in some of the mosques [after the June violence]. In my opinion, I think it is about 80 percent true. I heard some police officers say it. But the government didn’t say anything about that. I don’t know why.[22]

An Arakanese elder in Sittwe said: “About 50 percent of the so-called Rohingya Muslims are Taliban-minded. They study in the madrassas [Islamic religious schools]. Their ideology is the same as the Taliban. The police know this and discuss it [with us].”[23] And another Arakanese man in Sittwe said the authorities told him that they found weapons owned by Rohingya hidden in NGO offices[24] – an allegation that was never substantiated by any government official.

Moreover, government-controlled media has blamed the violence in Arakan State on Rohingya “terrorists,” and this has become a widely held belief in Burma.[25] Online social media sites are replete with such allegations, accessed primarily by Burmese in urban centers, and the sentiment has been disseminated in sermons by popular Buddhist monks and widely discussed in teashops, monasteries, and other places of public discourse.

Importantly, such allegations have been expressed publicly and privately by members of the highest political offices. For instance, the director of President Thein Sein’s office and a graduate of the military’s elite Defense Services Academy, Zaw Htay (also known as Hmuu Zaw), posted inflammatory remarks on Facebook, which have since been removed. He wrote:

It is heard that Rohingya Terrorists of the so-called Rohingya Solidarity Organization are crossing the border and getting into the country with the weapons. That is Rohingyas from other countries are coming into the country. Since our Military has got the news in advance, we will eradicate them until the end! I believe we are already doing it. ...We don’t want to hear any humanitarian issues or human rights from others. Besides, we neither want to hear any talk of justice nor want anyone to teach us like a saint.[26]

The “Rathedaung Statement,” which attendees approved and then released after the meeting, espoused arguments promoting ethnic cleansing. It calls for the establishment of a “rule to control the birth rate of the Muslim Bengali community living in Arakan”; it advocates forced relocation by demanding the government “remove some Bengali villages located near Sittwe University and beside traffic communication roads throughout Arakan State”; and it expresses opposition to any reintegration plans that would “put Buddhist and Muslim people together.”[27] Furthermore, the statement calls for a “peoples’ militia in all ethnic villages along the border and [for the government] to supply sophisticated arms to the people’s militia.”[28] The statement calls for strict adherence to the 1982 Citizenship Law, which effectively prevents Rohingya from obtaining Burmese citizenship.[29] The Rathedaung statement was sent to President Thein Sein, leaders in parliament, and the presidential commission established to investigate the situation in Arakan State.[30]

Members of the Arakanese sangha and RNDP have also called for changes to the demographic makeup of Arakan State and Burma, such as the expulsion of all Rohingya from the country, in interviews with the international media. For instance, Thein Tun Aye, a representative of the RNDP told BBC television in November that all Rohingya are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and must be deported: “Their fathers and forefathers are illegal immigrants, so we cannot accept them,” he said.[31] The monk Ashin Sandarthiri likewise told BBC that Rohingya have no right to stay in Burma: “Around the world there are many Muslim countries. They should go there. The Muslim countries will take care of them. They should go to countries with the same religion.”[32]

Impact of Economic Isolation

Several Rohingya explained to Human Rights Watch how Buddhist monks were able to isolate their communities by putting pressure on the Arakanese population. A Rohingya fisherman, 30, from Pauktaw said, “The monks came and beat the Arakanese who were secretly giving us food. That was on October 9. They had bamboo sticks and were beating them near our neighborhood.”[33]

Another Rohingya man said: “There were monks in front of the village. When they were there we couldn’t go out and nothing could come in. I remembered one of the monks, his right hand is immobile. He is very active in Pauktaw. He leads everything; he guided the monks and people.”[34]

In June, following the circulation of statements from local monks’ associations, a displaced Rohingya man, 42, told the media, “Most of the Arakanese are now refusing to sell food to the Muslims.”[35]

The Economist reported that an Arakanese man was killed in late October by members of his community after it was discovered that he sold large quantities of rice to Rohingya in Mrauk-U Township.[36]

Several Rohingya also explained the efforts of the RNDP in isolating the Muslim population. A Rohingya, 27, from Pauktaw explained the involvement of RNDP leaders:

The RNDP leaders were giving the orders to the people. In one group there were 20 people [Arakanese] and they were ordered to secure the area around our village. If any food entered to the Rohingya part of the village they would stop it. “If any food comes, take it, crush it, and destroy it,” I heard them say. They [RNDP] put a notice up on the corner of the road in front of the food market with orders saying no one can allow any food to reach the Rohingya village. On that paper it said that any Arakanese taking money from the Rohingya for rice or other things would be killed. It said there was a 100,000 Kyat reward for those who catch any Arakanese supplying food to the Rohingya. It was signed by RNDP party member [name withheld] of the RNDP party in Pauktaw. Other names on the paper were [names withheld].[37]

Four other Rohingya from Pauktaw also told Human Rights Watch that they had seen the same RNDP notice, signed by leaders of the local RNDP chapter.[38] These efforts led to serious humanitarian problems and economic shortages in the village.[39]

A displaced Rohingya man working to provide aid to other IDPs told Human Rights Watch:

Our life was safer during the military government. When the democratic government got power [in 2011], the RNDP gained power here and now we are facing a problem to our existence. The RNDP are so ambitious to eliminate Islam from this land. They want only a Buddhist Arakanese republic.[40]

Arakanese communities are also isolating Rohingya who had not been displaced. Aung Mingalar is the last remaining Muslim neighborhood in Sittwe, currently surrounded by a population of Arakanese who have been hostile to its Muslim residents who survived the attacks in June. The area is home to 8000 Muslims and is currently guarded by both the army and police.

In June, a Rohingya woman, 38, in Aung Mingalar told Human Rights Watch:

This area is very small but extremely populated. It is very difficult to eat. We have no food. The whole area is surrounded by Arakanese people. If we go outside, we are afraid we’ll be killed by the Arakanese, so no one dares to go out. No one has delivered food. The government has not given us anything so far.[41]

In November a prominent resident of Aung Mingalar told Human Rights Watch:

We will try to get rice from the Arakanese people but that is unsafe. We estimate we can get 20 bags per day but that amount won’t be sufficient for the population here. We need 400 bags for 10 days. The UN has not given any aid to us since June. We only want permission to bring food from outside to Aung Mingalar. The Arakanese attacked the food trucks and looted them several times. … When the rickshaw [small motor vehicle] tries to come with food and other supplies, they looted them and took everything, and in some cases they beat the Arakanese driver.[42]

In the months after the June violence, the Arakanese community increasingly organized to forcibly remove Rohingya from their areas. On October 18, just days before violence renewed in the state, an All-Arakanese Monks’ Solidarity Conference, attended by the senior monks in the township, was held at Dakaung monastery in Sittwe. A public statement by the monks following this meeting states their intent to “expose sympathizers of Bengali kalars as national traitors along with photos and spread the information to every township.”[43] The group called for the government to “quickly implement” President Thein Sein’s proposal to UNHCR in July, which was interpreted as a call to expel all Rohingya from the country.[44] (As discussed in chapter V of this report, Thein Sein called for “illegal” Rohingya to be sent to “third countries,” but given the lack of citizenship for nearly all Rohingya in Burma, the statement was interpreted as a call to expel all Rohingya from Burma). Noteworthy is the statement’s call for Arakanese to join forces with each other between townships: “When there is a problem in one township [with the Rohingya], other townships are to help solve it.”[45]

Numerous Rohingya told Human Rights Watch that when violence started three days later, the Arakanese who attacked them were not familiar to them, leading them to believe their assailants came from outside their area. For instance, in Pauktaw, local Rohingya fishermen alleged that thousands of Arakanese with various weapons came by sea on boats to attack their villages. One Rohingya fisherman, 30, told Human Rights Watch what he saw on October 23:

With their fists in the air they shouted, “Victory! Victory!” They came from all directions. There were 10 to 15 boats that brought people to our village on that day. ... It seemed like they were bringing Arakanese from outside the area. They carried knives and other weapons. When they reached the jetty they came directly to our village. There are not that many people in Pauktaw, so many probably came from outside.[46]

 

Response of Security Forces and Officials in Arakan State

International praise followed the Burmese government’s handling of the violence between Arakanese and Rohingya in Arakan State in June. The EU on June 11 welcomed the Burmese authorities’ “measured response.” A spokesperson for the EU’s high representative on foreign affairs, Catherine Ashton, said: "We believe that the security forces are handling this difficult intercommunal violence in an appropriate way. We welcome the priority which the Myanmar government is giving to dealing with all ethnic conflicts."[47] The US likewise praised the government’s response, saying, “The government is trying to help everybody who needs it whether that is Rakhine Buddhists or Muslims."[48]

The reality was very different. Human Rights Watch research found that during the period following the violence and abuses in June, some security forces in Arakan State – rather than responding to the growing campaign to force Rohingya out – were destroying mosques, effectively blocking humanitarian aid to Rohingya populations, conducting violent mass arrests, and at times acting alongside Arakanese to forcibly displace Muslims.[49]

Nonetheless, some security forces stepped in to minimize harm to threatened groups. Human Rights Watch observed army units deployed by the government to maintain order that played a positive role in stemming violence in Sittwe.[50] We witnessed army personnel escorting Rohingya through Sittwe in late June to collect their belongings before returning to displaced person sites – though we were unable to determine whether this was done as part of normal duties or for payment, as frequently occurs. In June, one Rohingya told Human Rights Watch, “The police are Arakanese, too. They hate us. The army is Burmese [ethnic Burman]. They are protecting us.”[51]

The media, several ambassadors and visiting foreign officials were able to go to Arakan State to talk with local residents and internally displaced persons.[52] The then minister of border affairs, Thein Htay, met with numerous diplomats and officials. President Thein Sein issued a report to parliament in August that criticized local forces in Arakan State for fueling the violence, saying, “Political parties, some monks, and some individuals are increasing the ethnic hatred.”[53] On August 17, the president also established a 27-member commission “to reveal the truth behind the unrest” and “find solutions for communities with different religious beliefs to live together in harmony.” This was followed by a workshop in Naypyidaw on September 22-23 on the situation in Arakan State, organized by the Ministry of Border Affairs, UN agencies, and the Myanmar Development and Resources Institute.[54]

These efforts were patently insufficient to stop the visible and mounting pressure in Arakan State to drive Rohingya and other Muslims out of the country.

Mass Arrests and Ill-Treatment of Detainees

Between June and October, Lon Thein riot police, Nasaka border forces, and the Burmese army systematically and violently rounded up Rohingya residents in villages around Maungdaw Township in northern Arakan State, and transferred them to unknown locations. In some cases, security forces arrived with lists of people alleged to have been involved in riots in Maungdaw on June 8-10. Rohingya told Human Rights Watch that these arrests caused widespread fear among Rohingya populations throughout the state.[55]

Rohingya said that following the violence in June 2012, state security forces raided Muslim homes and villages in Maungdaw Township, at times shooting at villagers, looting homes and businesses, and rounding up people of all ages. Those arrested included Rohingya teenagers and children as young as 8.[56]

Ethnic Arakanese were also arrested. The government of Burma told Human Rights Watch it has prosecuted 1,158 people in Arakan State since June 2012, including 875 “Bengalis,” 245 Arakanese, and 38 from other ethnic groups.[57] The authorities did not, however, provide or publish a detailed list of those who were detained or their whereabouts or information on the nature of any charges against them.

Several UN bodies expressed concern about the treatment of Rohingya detainees. The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, who visited Rohingya detainees in late July, reported that he was “concerned about their treatment during detention and about the denial of their due process rights.”[58] UN OCHA’s “Rakhine Response Plan” stated: “Reports of missing individuals and incidents of ill-treatment in detention have also been recorded.”[59] A UN official with firsthand knowledge of conditions in detention in Arakan State told Human Rights Watch:

There is torture, humiliating torture. They are kept without food, water, clothes, in very bad conditions. They could be forced to work, to do things against their will. That is the reason why people are so afraid of being detained. Even in the process of detention, beatings can start immediately, even in the street…people die from beatings.[60]

The authorities transported some of those taken into custody to other townships, such as Sittwe and Buthidaung, and most were denied access to lawyers and family members.[61] An unknown number remain in detention today. Exacerbating unlawful treatment are the discriminatory restrictions on Rohingya – including a ban on ownership of mobile phones, limiting their ability to contact detained family members, and a requirement that they seek official permission to travel between townships to detention facilities where their relatives are being held.[62]

The authorities appeared to target well-educated Rohingya for arbitrary arrest, detention, and torture. A well-educated Rohingya man was apprehended by Burmese intelligence services in June and interrogated for 19 consecutive days, deprived of sleep, hooded for extended periods, and threatened with physical harm.[63] Authorities accused him of violating the Electronics Transactions Act by communicating abroad about the violence in June.[64] He has since been released and the charges against him have been dropped.

A prominent case involved Dr. Tun Aung, 65, a Rohingya medical doctor who is chairman of the Islamic Religious Affairs Council in Maungdaw, whom the authorities arrested on June 11 in Maungdaw town. According to well-placed local sources,the authorities had enlisted him as a prominent local figure to help defuse rising tensions in the area.[65] Three days earlier there had been rioting, arson, and violence by Rohingya against Arakanese in Maungdaw, which was followed by several days of state-sponsored attacks against Rohingya.[66] Dr. Tun Aung and his family had sought refuge on June 8 in the Maungdaw office of UNHCR. On June 11, most of the UNHCR staff members were evacuated because of threats of violence from local Arakanese mobs. That day, UNHCR arranged for authorities to give Dr. Tun Aung and his family safe passage to their home. Instead, authorities took him to the immigration office in Kyi Kan Pyin, a neighboring township. There he was arrested, charged with various offenses, and transferred to Sittwe. Authorities refused to give him access to a lawyer of his choosing. In November he was tried and sentenced to 11 years in prison.[67] He suffers from several medical conditions and there is a concern he is not receiving adequate medical treatment.[68]

Authorities also arrested Dr. Tun Aung’s daughter, Mya Nandar Aung, 37, a former employee of UNHCR, on grounds that she posed a threat to national security under the Emergency Provisions Act. When she was arrested at the Sittwe airport on June 10, she had in her possession materials from UNHCR that included standard lists of institutions in northern Arakan State that were relevant to her work. The material was confiscated and deemed a threat to national security. Authorities dropped the charges against her due to lack of sufficient evidence and released her in December 2012.

Authorities also arrested Mya Nandar Aung’s husband, Maung Maung Than, another former employee of UNHCR, in Rangoon on June 15, and charged him with violating the Electronics Transactions Act because he allegedly distributed information about the June violence using electronic media. Maung Maung Than was held in the Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township court, Rangoon, and was released in December, officially due to a lack of evidence.

Following the June violence, authorities also arrested a total of 14 staff members of the UN and international NGOs but the authorities did not release specific information about the charges against them. All persons arrested were Rohingya, and at least five remain in prison. UN agencies and international NGOs have been continually denied access to their detained staff members and the Burmese government has provided only minimal information about the charges against them.[69]

On August 17, 2012, authorities released six of the detainees, including two UN staff and four international NGO staff. On August 24, the Maungdaw court sentenced three UN staff members for crimes including promoting hatred between Buddhists and Muslims and participating in arson attacks, and ordered them imprisoned for between two and six years, but on August 28 they were pardoned by President Thein Sein.

The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Tomas Quintana, was permitted to visit one UN staff member in Insein prison in Rangoon, and five in Buthidaung prison in northern Arakan State. He reported that he “was concerned about their treatment during detention and about the denial of their due process rights.”[70] On September 25 he called for their immediate release and a review of their cases.[71] On February 16, 2013, he reiterated the call for their “immediate and unconditional release,” saying “the charges against them are unfounded and ... their due process rights have been denied.”[72] Quintana was also able to visit Dr. Tun Aung in Sittwe prison, and on February 16 he called for his immediate release, adding that this was necessary for the government to demonstrate that it “has made a break from the past and no longer locks people up for political reasons.[73]

Other educated, displaced Rohingya in Arakan State who speak English – and can thus communicate to a broader international audience if given the opportunity – told Human Rights Watch they have been interrogated by the police since June 2012. One such Rohingya man said:

I have not committed any crime. Why do they have to question me? I am worried and also my family is worried. I think they are making a report and want to mention my name in it. I think they are building a case against me. I am telling the truth to the world. The truth is not a crime.[74]

Similarly, a well-educated Rohingya elder told Human Rights Watch: “After the [US] ambassador [Derek Mitchell] visited here the authorities wanted to arrest me. They came here and were searching for me.”[75]

Destruction of Homes and Mosques

After the June violence forced communities of Muslims to flee from Sittwe, local authorities moved in to demolish remaining structures, including home and mosques. Government officials and Arakanese cooperated in the destruction of structurally sound buildings. A Rohingya woman from Sittwe told Human Rights Watch:

Many houses were left standing but they were destroyed by the government, not the Arakanese. There was nothing wrong with our house. It was still there [after the violence]. But on another day, [our friend] went to the neighborhood, and it was gone. We got this picture from a soldier [shows a picture of the house standing amid ashes and government officials.]. They used the bulldozers one or two days after the fires. We tried to call the landline phone at our neighbor’s house and an Arakanese answered. After we left all the Arakanese came and took our things and properties.[76]

Another Rohingya man told Human Rights Watch about an attack on a mosque in Sittwe on the morning of June 29 that, until that time, had been unaffected by the sectarian violence. He said:

The municipal people [local government employees] were destroying the Rohingya mosque at the corner of Merchant Street and Aung Htaw Oo Street. That mosque is ours and they are destroying it. They were government and fire brigade and other people from Sittwe. They are still destroying that mosque.[77]

A prominent Buddhist monk in Sittwe repeated to Human Rights Watch a widely held rumor among Arakanese that mosques in the state were militant outposts in which the Rohingya stored weapons – thus attempting to justify their destruction:

In the villages, the Arakanese don’t have guns, but every mosque has guns. The government knows this news, and this time the government is angry, so the government bulldozed the mosques everywhere in downtown Sittwe. They know every mosque has boxes of guns.[78]

According to news reports, the authorities demolished five structurally sound mosques in Sittwe town.[79] The attorney general of Arakan State, Hla Thein, said the damaged buildings were removed because they were “not good to look at” and would inflame angry feelings.[80] The UN resident coordinator in Burma, Ashok Nigam, visited Sittwe after the June violence and was told that the areas had been cleared for “town planning.”[81] Human Rights Watch confirmed the destruction of at least nine mosques in the area of Sittwe.[82]

A mosque in Pauktaw that had been defaced with anti-Rohingya graffiti was torn down.[83] Four of the five mosques in Kyauk Pyu were destroyed.[84] Kyauk Pyu’s main mosque, which was burned but not structurally harmed, was among those demolished.[85] In Kyauk Pyu and other areas, witnesses told Human Rights Watch that when attacks resumed in October, their mosques were one of the first places to be attacked by Arakanese mobs.[86]

A Rohingya man from Sittwe researched and produced a detailed list of 28 mosques that were partially or fully destroyed in Sittwe Township since June. Although Human Rights Watch cannot independently confirm the exact number of mosques affected or the findings, the individual stated he had visited each site, described the sites in detail, and provided written records.[87]

Other Rohingya said that authorities and Arakanese destroyed mosques and religious schools in other parts of the state, including at least six mosques and six Islamic schools in Minbya Township.[88]

Collusion and Coercion to Forcibly Displace Muslims

Some state security forces colluded with Arakanese in the forced displacement of Muslim populations in June and in the weeks leading up to the second wave of violence in late October.[89]Muslim residents in Sittwe and northern Arakan State told Human Rights Watch that in June they witnessed groups of armed Arakanese villagers traveling together with police during attacks against Rohingya communities that led to their displacement.

Immediately prior to the onset of violence in October, local government officials, members of the RNDP, and Arakanese community members held public meetings at which they openly discussed forcibly displacing the local Rohingya population. Rohingya and Kaman community leaders told Human Rights Watch that they attended such meetings in Pauktaw and Kyauk Pyu in which the outcome was a decision that the Muslim population should leave the area. The Rohingya and Kaman Muslims who were present at these meetings said they were unable to provide input – they were simply told it was in their best interest to move away.[90]

A Rohingya fisherman from Pauktaw said:

Local Arakanese told us to leave. They said, “You go to Thaychaung [IDP camp].” The township administration officer said this too. He is Burmese. We had a meeting [before the onset of violence in late October] and the township official said openly that we should all go to Sittwe in a group, and that he would supply us with gasoline for our boats. He is a three-star township officer, and a member from the RNDP. ... After they told us villagers to go to Sittwe, they didn’t give us a chance to reply. We had no say on this issue. The authorities sold us with three gallons of gasoline for each boat. We all left on the same day, on 10 [large] boats and on 15 small boats. It was the township administration authority controlling the gasoline. We had to pay 4000-kyat per gallon – we could not go to the market ourselves.[91]

Another Rohingya fisherman, 44, from Pauktaw said:

The township council sold us 60 liters of fuel so we could leave. We came to Sittwe to save our lives. The situation was getting worse day by day, we reported it to the local authorities and they asked us what we wanted to do. We said to the authorities we wanted to save our lives. The authorities told us to leave. [A local leader] of the RNDP said that if we did not leave our place we would be killed and our villages would be burned. Just after we left from our place [by sea] we could see it [our village] was already on fire, we could see the smoke and flames.[92]

A Rohingya man from Pauktaw who left his village on October 24 said:

On June 13 just a few houses were burned. The rest were burned this time. Before we left our village, the commander of the township police department said to us, “There will be more pressure on you and we cannot save you, so you have to decide what you will do for yourself. You cannot save your life here.” We had a meeting with the village elders and collected money, and with that money the police brought us 17 gallons of diesel oil so we could leave.[93]

A Rohingya fisherman, 27, from Pauktaw said: “There were 2,700 Rohingya in our village. I left on October 23. Our whole village was kicked out. Lon Thein and the army arrived at that time. A [local] government official sold us gasoline for our boat engine.”[94]

In Kyauk Pyu, following the outbreak of violence elsewhere in the state in June, local villagers and government established a “peacekeeping committee” in the town comprising Muslims and Buddhists. In October, when Kaman Muslims told the local government about their concern of an imminent attack by hostile Arakanese, the authorities called a meeting of the peacekeeping committee. A Kaman Muslim man told Human Rights Watch:

The [local government] authorities called a meeting with the peacekeeping committee at 2 p.m. [on October 22] at the township administrative office. In the meeting, the [township] administrator said, “You should save your village and quarter and save yourself.” An Arakanese man stood up and said, “This is not your state. This state belongs to the Arakanese. You should move from the state. You are a guest so you have to go to a guest place.” Those of us [Kaman] who attended the meeting had no chance to speak in the meeting. A police officer said at that meeting to the administrative officer that they could not take responsibility for the Muslims in Kyauk Pyu, and the administrative officer said he would inform the military to take responsibility for the town. After finishing this meeting, the administrative officer informed the army and the army came.[95]

Restrictions on Humanitarian Aid: June-October 2012

UN agencies and international humanitarian organizations have long operated in the predominantly Muslim townships of northern Arakan State, providing lifesaving aid to hundreds of thousands of Rohingya.[96]Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), for example, has worked in Arakan State since 1994, focusing on primary health care, “with a specific emphasis on reproductive health, malaria, HIV, and tuberculosis.”[97] In 2011, MSF conducted 487,000 consultations and has provided ART treatment to over 600 AIDS patients.[98]

On June 10, when the attacks against Muslims quickly escalated, security concerns forced international humanitarian organizations to evacuate their humanitarian workers from northern Arakan State and Sittwe to Rangoon. However, local Rohingya staff could not be evacuated because of Burmese government restrictions on their freedom of movement.

For a period of time in June, after the violence, the government prevented all aid agencies from returning to Arakan State. A senior aid official told Human Rights Watch: “One NGO submitted a formal request [in June] to [the government] asking for travel permits for staff. In response to that message, they copied the UN, and said in the last sentence that international staff can’t go until there is peace and tranquility.”[99]

Between June and October, the authorities also denied permission for the resumption of specific aid programs by several organizations, including MSF. Food aid, primary health care, emergency medical assistance, education, and other areas of humanitarian programming were cancelled. This had a pernicious effect, exacerbating the isolation of Muslim populations and contributing to pressures on them to leave.

According to OCHA, some partners, including the World Food Programme, the UN refugee agency and some NGOs, were able to resume some of their regular activities since the end of September, but many were not been able to do so.[100] The cuts to MSF’s programs, for example, meant that “thousands of patients benefiting from longer-term primary health care programs” were cut off from medical services.[101]

In some areas, state security forces, including the army, did not facilitate access for Rohingya cut off from food and other basic needs. Rohingya stated that immediately after the violence in June, security forces guarding their neighborhoods and IDP camps helped them obtain basic necessities, but that assistance only lasted a few weeks.[102]A 44-year-old Rohingya fisherman from Pauktaw said:

Day by day we became very weak because we didn’t have any food, we couldn’t buy any goods. We were isolated. At one point the military provided some food but soon after they stopped and didn’t provide anything. At our weakest the Arakanese attempted to attack us again [in October].[103]

[1] Human Rights Watch interview with M.N., displacement site, Sittwe, Arakan State, November 2012.

[2] The RNDP has seven seats in the 224-seat Amyotha Hluttaw, or upper house, and eight seats in the 440-seat Pyithu Hluttaw, or lower house.

[3] In June, Eleven Media stated that the “risk and danger of ethnic cleansing or genocide [by Rohingya against Arakanese and Burmans] was possible.” Than Htut Aung, “I Will Tell the Real Truth,” Eleven Media, June 26, 2012, http://eversion.news-eleven.com/opinion/91-i-will-tell-the-real-truth-3 (accessed February 11, 2013).

[4] Association of Young Monks, “Announcement to All Arakanese Nationals,” June 29, 2012, on file with Human Rights Watch. See also, Human Rights Watch,BurmaThe Government Could Have Stopped This: Sectarian Violence and Ensuing Abuses in Burma’s Arakan State, August 2012, http://www.hrw.org/reports/2012/08/01/government-could-have-stopped, pp. 40-41.

[5] Human Rights Watch interview with C.D., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012.

[6] “The following 12-point statement agreed and decided at the meeting of monks from the various groups from Rathedaung Township, Rakhine State, held at ‘Myo Ma’ Pavilion on 5th of July 2012 (Thursday) at 1:00 p.m.,” provided to Human Rights Watch by the Arakan Project, November 2012.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Mrauk-U Monks' Association, public statement, released July 9, 2012. Provided to Human Rights Watch by the Arakan Project, November 2012.

[10] The US foreign policy think-tank Center for Strategic and International Studies writes of the RNDP’s Aye Maung: “Aye Maung is notoriously known for his stance against the Muslim Rohingyas in Rakhine [Arakan]...he has repeatedly called for the segregation and resettlement of the Rohingyas in third countries, as well as objecting any granting of citizenship to the Rohingyas. Aye Maung has often sought to ignite Rakhine [Arakanese] nationalistic sentiment against Muslims during his public appearances. When the government declared a state of emergency in Rakhine [Arakan] in October following the latest outbreak of violence originating in the town of Kyaukpyu and the president’s office announced that an armed group was responsible, it was implicitly understood that Aye Maung had called for and supported this new round of armed conflict.” “The Leaderboard: Aye Maung,” Center for Strategic and International Studies,” December 18, 2012, http://cogitasia.com/the-leaderboard-aye-maung/ (accessed February 11, 2013).

[11] Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, “RNDP’s post-conflict declaration related to relocation,” July 26, 2012.

[12] Ibid.

[13] See, for example, Human Rights Watch interview with M.N., displacement site, Sittwe, Arakan State, November 2012.

[14] “Kalar” is a derogatory term in Burma used to describe Muslims, Indians, or those of South Asian descent.

[15] See, Francis Wade, “Photos Emerge of Anti-Muslim Witch Hunt in Burma,” Asian Correspondent, December 4, 2012, http://asiancorrespondent.com/92967/photos-emerge-of-anti-muslim-witch-hunt-in-burma/ (accessed December 5, 2012).

[16] Human Rights Watch interviews with Arakanese, Sittwe and Rangoon, June-July 2012, October-November 2012.

[17] “Arakan Public Meeting Successfully Concludes in Rathidaung,” Narinjara, September 29, 2012, http://www.narinjara.com/main/index.php/arakan-public-meeting-successfully-concludes-in-rahindaung/ (accessed February 11, 2013).

[18] Martin Smith, Burma: Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity (Zed Books: London, 1993), pp. 194-195, 241.

[19] Human Rights Watch, BurmaRohingya Muslims: Ending a Cycle of Exodus?, September 1996, http://www.hrw.org/legacy/summaries/s.burma969.html, p. 14.

[20] See for example Human Rights Watch interviews with B.C., B.D., C.Z., C.D., C.G., C.H., Sittwe, Arakan State, June-July 2012.

[21] Human Rights Watch interview with C.D., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012.

[22] Human Rights Watch interview with C.H., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012.

[23] Human Rights Watch interview with B.C., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012.

[24] Human Rights Watch interview with B.D., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012.

[25] “Bodies Collected in Strife-Torn Burmese Town,” Associated Press, June 11, 2012.

[26] Quoted in Joseph Allchin, “The Rohingya, Myths and Misinformation,” Democratic Voice of Burma, June 22, 2012, http://www.dvb.no/analysis/the-rohingya-myths-and-misinformation/22597 (accessed February 11, 2013). Zaw Htay’s facebook page is https://www.facebook.com/hmuu.zaw. Human Rights Watch viewed a series of posts on the situation in Arakan State from late May to early June 2012, including the quotation printed here, prior to their deletion.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Ibid. See also, Euro Burma Office, “Political Monitor 2012,” September 29- October 5, 2012, http://euro-burma.eu/doc/PM_No._30_-_11-10-12.pdf (accessed April 10, 2013).

[29] Ibid.

[30] Ibid.

[31] “Burmese Monks Who Preach Intolerance Against Muslim Rohingyas,” BBC News, November 21, 2012, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-20427889 (accessed February 4, 2013).

[32] Ibid.

[33] Human Rights Watch interview with S.L., displacement site, Sittwe, Arakan State, October 2012.

[34] Human Rights Watch interview with M.O., displacement site, Arakan State, November 2012.

[35] Human Rights Watch interview with Z.I., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012, The Government Could Have Stopped This, p. 41, n. 121.

[36] Banyan, “War Among the Pagodas,” Economist, October 24, 2012, http://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2012/10/killings-myanmars-rakhine-state (accessed March 7, 2013).

[37] Human Rights Watch interview with M.N., displacement site, Sittwe, Arakan State, November 2012.

[38] Human Rights Watch group interview, displacement site, Arakan State, November 2012.

[39] Ibid. The public statements continued even after the violence began on October 21, 2012. The Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) is a political organization founded in Rangoon in 1967 that controls a small non-state ethnic army, founded in 1974 and based in Bangladesh. On October 25, 2012, the ALP released a four-point statement blaming the violence on “illegal Bengali immigrants” and alleging the conflict was the result of “a well-organized plan carried out by the illegal Bengali immigrants and the countries that are supporting them to help them to be recognized as a new ethnic group during the transition period in Burma.” The statement calls for a “supreme effort” to be taken by the Arakanese people “to protect and preserve our land, on which we have been living for generations, from the Bengali people.” Arakan Liberation Party, Organizing and Information Department, “The statement released by Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) on the issue concerning the violence caused by the illegal Bengali immigrants,” October 25, 2012. The ALP statement references the local controversy surrounding land. Many Arakanese assert that they are the rightful owners of the land on which Rohingya now live – and that the land must be taken back. One prominent Arakanese leader in Sittwe told Human Rights Watch: “One thing I would like to explain is that over 200 villages have been lost [after 1942], and those villages belonged to Arakanese. The Bengalis invaded and occupied them. Historically the village names are all Arakanese names.” Human Rights Watch interview with M.M., Sittwe, Arakan State, November 2012.

[40] Human Rights Watch interview with J.J., displacement site, Arakan State, October 2012.

[41] Human Rights Watch interview with C.H., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012, The Government Could Have Stopped This,p. 42, n. 116.

[42] Human Rights Watch interview with J.M., with Aung Mingalar resident, Sittwe, November 2012.

[43] “Conclusions from All-Arakanese Monks’ Solidarity Conference held at Dakaung Monastery, Kyaungtak St, Sittwe,” October, 18, 2012, unofficial translation.

[44] Ibid.

[45] Ibid.

[46] Human Rights Watch interview with S.J., displacement site, Arakan State, October 2012.

[47] “Burma: Situation Tense in Rakhine,” Radio Free Asia, June 11, 2012, http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/topic,45a5199f2,45a5faeb2,4fdb2f2d26,0,,,.html (accessed March 6, 2013).

[48] “US Praises Myanmar’s Response to Sectarian Clashes,” Reuters, June 19, 2012, http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/06/19/us-myanmar-violence-usa-idUSBRE85I0GC20120619 (accessed April 7, 2013).

[49] Human Rights Watch, The Government Could Have Stopped This, pp. 20-37.

[50] Ibid., p. 20.

[51] Human Rights Watch interview with Z.F., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012, The Government Could Have Stopped This, p. 20.

[52] Some Rohingya reported to Human Rights Watch that the authorities questioned them or sought after them after those Rohingya spoke with visiting officials and ambassadors.

[53] See “Thein Sein Accuses Politicians, Monks of Inciting Ethnic Hatred,” Agence France Presse, August 27, 2012, http://www.dvb.no/news/thein-sein-accuses-politicians-monks-of-inciting-ethnic-hatred/23471 (accessed February 6, 2013).

[54] See “Burma’s Vice President Calls for Development in Rakhine State,” Mizzima News, September 24, 2012, http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/8083-burmas-vice-president-calls-for-development-in-rakhine-state.html (accessed February 6, 2013).

[55] See, for example, Human Rights Watch interviews with S.N., J.M., K.Q., displacement sites, November 2012; Human Rights Watch communications with Rohingya in Arakan State, November 2012-February 2013.

[56] Human Rights Watch interview with D.H., Bangladesh, June 28, 2012; see also, Human Rights Watch, The Government Could Have Stopped This, p. 28.

[57] Ministry of Border Affairs, “Answers for English Version on Human Rights Watch Questions,” Government of Burma response to Human Rights Watch, February 26, 2013, p.3. See Appendix II.

[58] UN General Assembly, “Situation of human rights in Myanmar,” A/67/383, September 25, 2012, http://www.globalr2p.org/media/files/report-of-sr-25-sept.pdf (accessed April 10, 2013), p. 17.

[59] UN, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), “Rakhine Response Plan: July 2012-June 2013,” November 16, 2012, http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/rakhine-response-plan-myanmar-july-2012-%E2%80%93-june-2013 (accessed March 15, 2013), p. 28.

[60] Human Rights Watch interview with A.E., Rangoon, June 2012.

[61] See, for example, Amnesty International, “Urgent Action: Doctor Held Incommunicado in Myanmar,” August 24, 2012, http://www.amnesty.org/fr/library/asset/ASA16/010/2012/fr/6f99ff6a-7763-4ee7-9214-5a6827ffc0ef/asa160102012en.html (accessed April 10, 2013).

[62] Rohingya who are found by the authorities to own mobile phones have been fined large sums by Nasaka or in some cases charged with a crime under the Telecommunications Act or the Electronic Transactions Act and imprisoned. The Telemcommuncations Law prohibits owning mobile phones and other “wireless telegraphy aparatus” without permission and violations carry fines and prison terms of up to three years.

[63] Human Rights Watch communications with Rohingya detainee, October 2012.

[64] Ibid. The Electronics Transactions Act of 2004 has been used to imprison dissidents and others. Violations under the act bring sentences of 7 to 15 years and fines. Activists have typically been charged under vague provisions in the law that criminalizes electronic acts deemed “detrimental to the security of the State or prevalence of law and order or community peace and tranquility or national solidarity or national economy or national culture.” Electronics Transactions Act of 2004, ch. XII, 33(a).

[65] Human Rights Watch interviews, November and December 2012. See also “Urgent Action: Doctor Held Incommunicado in Myanmar,” http://www.amnesty.org/fr/library/asset/ASA16/010/2012/fr/6f99ff6a-7763-4ee7-9214-5a6827ffc0ef/asa160102012en.html.

[66] Human Rights Watch, The Government Could Have Stopped This, pp. 20-37.

[67] Dr. Tun Aung was found guilty of violating the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act, 1947, section 24(1); the Emergency Provisions Act of 1950, section 5(j); and penal code sections 505(b) and 153(a); and the Wireless Telegraph Act, section 6(1). The Burmese penal code 505 states: “Whoever makes, publishes or circulates any statement, rumor or report… (b) with intent to cause, or which is likely to cause, fear or alarm to the public or to any section of the public whereby any person may be induced to commit an offence against the State or against the public tranquility ... shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to two years, or with fine, or with both.” The penal code 153(a) states: “Whoever by words, either spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible representations, or otherwise, promotes or attempts to promote feelings of enmity or hatred between different classes of [persons resident in the Union] shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to two years, or with fine, or with both.”

[68] Communication with UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, March 15, 2013.

[69] “Situation of human rights in Myanmar,” http://www.globalr2p.org/media/files/report-of-sr-25-sept.pdf.

[70] Ibid. p. 17.

[71] Ibid.

[72] Tomás Ojea Quintana, “Statement of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar,” February 16, 2013, http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=13004 (accessed April 10, 2013), p. 4.

[73] Ibid.

[74] Human Rights Watch interview with J.M., displacement site, Arakan State, November 2012.

[75] Human Rights Watch interview with S.N., displacement site, Arakan State, October 2012.

[76] Human Rights Watch interview with K.M., displacement site, Sittwe, Arakan State, October 2012.

[77] Human Rights Watch interview with C.F., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012, Government Could Have Stopped This, p. 31, n. 68.

[78] Human Rights Watch interview with C.D., Sittwe, Arakan State, June 2012.

[79] Kenneth Denby, “Burma mosques bulldozed in ‘ethnic cleansing,’” The Times, September 19, 2012, http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/news/world/asia/article3542153.ece (accessed April 10, 2013).

[80] Ibid.

[81] Ibid.

[82] The nine mosques include the Abdul Hadi Mosque, Main Rd., co-ordinates: N 20.14485 E 92.88377; Shah Hasan Mosque, Merchant St: N 20.144081 E 92.897326; Musa Dewan Mosque, Narzi: N 20.146237 E 92.881356; South Narzi Mosque: N 20.143047 E 92.884200; Unnamed Mosque: N 20.142883 E 92.882855; Police Town Mosque: N 20.138012 E 92.884661; also reportedly damaged include Master Company Mosque; North Narzi Mosque; Bacha Dokan Mosque; and the Table Mosque.

[83] Jason Szep and Andrew Marshall, “Special Report: Witnesses Tell of Organized Killings of Muslims,” Reuters, November 11, 2012 http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/11/11/us-myanmar-fighting-idUSBRE8AA0EO20121111 (accessed April 10, 2013).

[84] Ibid.

[85] Human Rights Watch has viewed video footage of the burning of the mosque. The area of Kyauk Pyu has since become completely desolated.

[86] See Human Rights Watch interviews with S.M., J.K., J.L., J.M., K.R., L.S., L.J., displacement sites, October and November 2012.

[87] “List of mosques destroyed during violence in Sittwe,” local records, obtained November 2012, Sittwe, Arakan State, on file at Human Rights Watch.

[88] Human Rights Watch interview with J.N., displacement site, Arakan State, November 2012.

[89] Human Rights Watch, The Government Could Have Stopped This, pp. 24-26.

[90] Human Rights Watch interviews with IDPs from Pauktaw, interviews with S.J., S.K., S.L., S.O., M.N., M.O., displacement site, October-November 2012.

[91] Human Rights Watch interview with S.J., displacement site, Sittwe, Arakan State, October 2012. The reference to a “three-star” official indicates a military affiliation.

[92] Human Rights Watch interview with S.K., displacement site, Sittwe, Arakan State, October 2012.

[93] Human Rights Watch interview with M.O., displacement site, Arakan State, November 2012.

[94] Human Rights Watch interview with M.N., displacement site, Arakan State, November 2012.

[95] Human Rights Watch interview with K.S., displacement site, Arakan State, November 2012.

[96] Many Arakanese view the organizations as biased because they have tended to focus their aid programs on the Rohingya. Of course the greater needs of the Rohingya population in northern Arakan State has been created in large part by the Burmese government’s discriminatory policies.

[97] “Myanmar: Violence and Threats Block Access to Medical Care in Rakhine State,” Medecins Sans Frontieres, news release, November 5, 2012, http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/press/release.cfm?id=6383&cat=press-release (accessed December 7, 2012).

[98] Ibid.

[99] Human Rights Watch interview with Z.B., Rangoon, June 2012.

[100] UNOCHA, Rakhine Response Plan, http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Revised%20Rakhine%20Response%20Plan%20%28amended%29.pdf (accessed April 10, 2013), p. 5.

[101] “Myanmar: Violence and Threats Block Access to Medical Care in Rakhine State,” Medecins Sans Frontieres, news release, November 5, 2012, http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/press/release.cfm?id=6383&cat=press-release (accessed December 7, 2012).

[102] Human Rights Watch, The Government Could Have Stopped This, pp. 38-42.

[103] Human Rights Watch interview with S.K., displacement site, Sittwe, Arakan State, October 2012.