After nearly ten years in existence, the NCHRF is still largely unknown within Cameroon. As of November 1999, the production of a free brochure for distribution was being prepared in order to address this problem.80 The commission also hopes to make itself better known by establishing provincial offices in Douala, Bamenda, and Garoua, once the funds are available from the government. Furthermore, the commission intends to develop activities that bring it closer to the public, namely the creation of a library and resource center, as a priority in its "Action Plan for 1999-2000."

These public relations efforts would, however, be more fruitful if they were accompanied by a similar endeavor by the NCHRF to build its credibility through a more autonomous and outspoken plan of action. The low public interest in the NCHRF is symptomatic of the widespread perception, particularly among the NGO human rights community, that it is a quiet and compliant institution serving the executive branch. Although the NCHRF will have to build up its own credibility over time, several simple and precise steps by the government, which should be taken immediately, could help pave the way.

Legislative amendment of the decree governing the NCHRF ought to be the first of these measures. The founding presidential decree which grants the president discretionary powers to appoint the commission members and the reporting procedures that prohibit the NCHRF from releasing its findings publicly, should be amended through a law voted by the national assembly. These provisions give the president powers of influence over the commission that are incompatible with its necessary autonomy. Legislative reforms through the national assembly could also serve to remove the commission from the influence-both de jure and de facto-of the president's office. Simultaneous appointments to the NCHRF and the executive branch (particularly the president's office), as currently exist, should be also prohibited as a conflict of interest.

Second, the single-party representation on the NCHRF continues in violation of the founding decree. The 1990 presidential decree, which was published during single party rule, mandates seats on the NCHRF for a representative from each political party in the national assembly. At the time of the appointments in 1991, Cameroon was still under one party rule, and the national assembly appointee to the NCHRF includes only a ruling party member. It is now over seven years since the March 1992 elections that brought in a half dozen opposition parties, and three years after the terms of the sitting NCHRF commissioners have formally expired. By law, the membership of the NCHRF is long overdue for renewal, with a more balanced political representation.

Lastly, there is little or no contact between the NCHRF and the NGOs, other than the rare intervention by an NGO to the commission on behalf of a victim. When questioned on this subject by Human Rights Watch, several NGOs expressed strong reservations about the capacity of the NCHRF to play a more collaborative role with the NGO community, since it has remained silent in the face of attacks on human rights defenders in Cameroon.81 A case in point was that of the lawyer Abdulaye Math, president of the Mouvement pour la Défense des Droits de l'Homme et des Libertés [Movement for the Defense of Human Rights and Liberties] in Maroua who was repeatedly the victim of an assassination attempt over four successive nights in May 1999, by a commando of eighteen gendarmes headed by an officer named Guillaume Pom. Mr. Math was forced to flee to Yaounde for over two weeks. On his return to Maroua in June 1999, Mr. Math sent a letter thanking and listing all the NGOs that had offered their support. The NCHRF is not listed in this letter. In its defense, the NCHRF asserts that it did privately take up the defense of Mr. Math "by contacting the government at the highest levels."82 The quiet diplomacy that the NCHRF is required to adopt, further contribute to the perception that the NCHRF is not playing any role in the defense of human rights in Cameroon. This illustrates the need for the commission to end the confidentiality of its actions. If, as they claim, members of the commission wish to more effectively publicize the NCHRF's work, they will certainly not succeed in their goal through confidential communications with government offices, an incompatible role with the need for a transparent debate on human rights in Cameroon.

A greater effort should be made to include the NGO community in the membership and the activities of the commission. For the time being, human rights NGOs are not listed among the array of institutions represented in the commission. The only reference to NGOs in the founding decree, has been interpreted by NGOs as intended to subordinate the NGOs to the commission, rather than allow them to collaborate as partners or play an intermediary role between the public and the national institution. According to the decree, the NCHRF "coordinates the actions of NGOs wishing to participate in its work." As a result, the NGO community was extremely suspicious when the NCHRF convened meetings in 1992, and several groups saw this action as additional proof that the NCHRF wanted to control them. No collaborative meetings with NGOs have been held since 1992 due to financial reasons, according to the commission.

There is a tense, and often antagonistic, relationship between the government and the NGO community. Accordingly, the NCHRF could play a more active role as an intermediary between the government and the NGOs, as well as provide greater protection to the NGO community when it comes under attack from the authorities. The NCHRF also stands to gain from a closer working relationship with the NGO community which can reinforce the commission's capacity to intervene, and boost its visibility and credibility in civil society.