Suva Reka
(Suhareke)
Municipality
Suva
Reka town, with approximately 10,000 inhabitants (90 percent ethnic Albanian),
and its surrounding villages were continuous areas of conflict in 1998
and 1999. A KLA presence in the hills around the town made the region a
regular target of police and army actions. Many villages suffered killings
and the destruction of civilian property at the hands of the police before
the NATO intervention.1
During the NATO bombing, most of the abuses in Suva
Reka took place in the first week when many residents were expelled and
a series of killings took place, as reflected in the chapter Statistical
Analysis of Violations. Thousands of people were either deported to Albania,
some by bus, or they fled into nearby areas controlled by the KLA, such
as Djinovce (Gjinoc) and Budakovo (Budakove).2 Looting and burning of civilian
property was widespread.
Former employees of the OSCE and those who had rented
their homes to the OSCE were under particular threat. The most serious
incident was the killing in Suva Reka town of at least twenty-four members
of the extended Berisha family, including eleven children aged sixteen
or younger, which had rented two houses to the OSCE. In Trnje village,
six kilometers southwest of Suva Reka, at least twenty-four people were
killed, including seven children aged fifteen or younger.
According to the Suva Reka office of the Council
for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms, 430 people were killed in
the Suva Reka municipality during the bombing, and sixty-seven people were
missing as of late August 1999.3 The KLA-appointed mayor after the war,
Haki Gashi, said that 427 people had been killed in the municipality, although
approximately eighty of these people had been KLA soldiers.4 Human Rights
Watch did not confirm these numbers or clarify whether KLA soldiers killed
in combat were distinguished from those summarily executed (the latter,
no less a war crime than deliberate killings of civilians.) Aside from
the forty killings in Suva Reka town documented in this section (all of
them on March 25 or 26), Human Rights Watch confirmed the deliberate killing
of eleven male civilians and the rape of at least two women in one village
(which will remain nameless to protect the victims and their families),
the killing of at least twenty-four people in Trnje village, and at least
twelve killings in Belanica, a village where tens of thousands of displaced
Albanians had assembled. According to the OSCE, killings of smaller numbers
of people also took place in the following villages: Bukos (Bukosh), Budakovo
(Budakove), Vranic (Vraniq), Geljance (Gelanc), Sopina (Sopine), Mus-utiste
(Mushtishte), and Lesane (Leshane).5
The war crimes tribunal exhumed three grave sites
in Suva Reka town containing 103 bodies. One of them contained fifty-five
bodies, and the other two contained fifteen and thirty-three respectively.6
According to witness testimonies, most of the abuses
in the municipality were committed by Serbian police or paramilitaries
who were said to have worn a variety of uniforms, either blue, grey, or
green. Some wore black masks, while others had long hair. And many of them,
witnesses said, wore white bandanas around their arms. A name mentioned
as a leader of local forces by at least four witnesses was "Misko" Nisevic,
who was well known in Suva Reka town as the owner of the Hotel Boss and,
more importantly, the local head of state security.7
The police station in Suva Reka was under the Secretariat
for Internal Affairs (SUP) of Prizren municipality, which covered Prizren,
Orahavac, Gora, and Suva Reka (see Forces of the Conflict). As of February
1998, the chief of the Suva Reka police station was Lt. Dobrivoje Vitosevic,
and Sub Lt. Radojko Repanovic was his deputy.8
Interestingly, after the first wave of Albanians
were expelled from Suva Reka in late March, the police generally allowed
Albanians to stay in the town. There was even an attempt to register people
at this time, and men were obliged to report to the police station once
a day.
Suva Reka (Suhareke) Town
The OSCE presence
in Suva Reka (November 1998 to March 1999) helped provide a sense of security
for ethnic Albanians in and around the town. Predictably, abuses increased
around March 20 when the OSCE withdrew from Kosovo. Some skirmishes between
the KLA and police took place in the villages around Suva Reka, and Serbian
police harassed and beat some ethnic Albanian residents. Tension increased
on March 22 when at least seven ethnic Albanians were killed by the police
or "disappeared" in unclear circumstances.
More serious violence began after the first NATO
bombs fell on March 24. Serbian police and paramilitaries took up positions
around the town and systematically forced residents to leave, witnesses
said. The police organized buses for some people for deportation to the
border with Albania. One resident of Suva Reka, a journalist, told Human
Rights Watch:
After the first bombs, on March 25, in the early
morning we heard shots from guns and one armored vehicle from the Berisha
neighborhood. We heard the news that they had massacred them [the Berisha
family] while some were still sleeping. There was panic among the population,
and [there was a rumor] that a part of town should move to the other part,
on the other side of the road. We stayed for two days, and I saw fire and
smoke. We even saw fire and smoke from the Balkan rubber factory. We think
they burnt people there, because of the smell.
Two days later, on March 27, Serb paramilitaries
came to the other side of town, looking for some people by name, and they
burned some houses where the OSCE had been staying. The population got
scared, in every house there were about a hundred people. When they came
to twenty or thirty meters away from us, I said: "Let's just go and leave
town."
The worst incident involved the families of Nexhat
and Faton Berisha, who had rented their adjacent houses to the OSCE. Between
twenty-four and forty-two people from the Berisha family were killed, six
of them in front of their homes and the others in a shopping center near
the town's center. Two women and one male child survived.
According to a family member who lived next door
and witnessed the incident, the police first arrived around 5:00 a.m. on
March 25 and demanded money from Nexhat and Faton Berisha. The police beat
Nexhat and took any equipment the OSCE had left behind. The witness said
he recognized one of the policemen as Miki Petrovic, brother of Zoran Petrovic,
whom another witness claimed to have seen in the area. The witness described
how the police came again the next day and shot members of the family:
At 12:00 noon another group of police came back,
some twenty to thirty, and surrounded these two houses [of Nexhat and Faton].
We were in touch with them by telephone. Both families were in the house
of Faton in the night of the twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth. They came and
knocked on the door, and took all the people outside. I was watching from
my window. The women and children passed by our house, the others were
near the house of Nexhat. At one point, they called the men-Sedat, Bujar,
Nexhat, Nexhmedin and Faton, and Fatime, the mother of Faton. Without any
sign, they just started to shoot at them, with a burst of gunfire. Some
people went into the houses and set them on fire. I again recognized Miki
Petrovic, but I didn't recognize any of the others. I got upset when I
saw how they killed members of my family. The others started to run down
to the shopping center. I didn't know then the destiny of the rest of the
family, I just heard a lot of shots.
They were in new police uniforms, with white bandanas
around their arms, and shaved heads. I didn't see Zoran Petrovic, but Flaka9
said that she saw him. The house of Faton and Nexhat was burned, it is
only two to three meters away from mine. I was afraid that it would also
catch my house. I was thinking to go out, but the snipers were waiting
for us. At that moment, I heard a lot of shooting and there was a lot of
fire, but I didn't know what was happening. We went with six children in
the toilet, put handkerchiefs in the mouth of the kids, we were afraid
the Serbs would hear us. The police had taken the six bodies and put them
behind Nexhat's house, but when the roof started burning, pieces fell down
on them and they burnt. It burnt until the evening. As a doctor10 I couldn't
believe bodies could burn that much.
I stayed in the house until after 6:00 p.m., when
the police came in the house and wanted to burn it. They were in groups
of three policemen, and went from house to house. They opened the door,
they didn't know we were inside, so I went and opened the door for them.
At first he wanted to shoot me at once, but I talked in Serbian with him.
My brother gave 1,000 DM, so they released us. We took our cars, and we
all went to Albania: five adults and six children.
When I arrived in Albania, I found out that the
rest of the family had been killed as well, Flaka told me. They put them
in one cafeteria in the shopping center. There was the family of the sons
of my uncle, and three other families. These families went out of the house
because they were scared, and they wanted to go to the other side of town
through the shopping center. They caught them, and put them in the cafeteria.
First, they threw some grenades in that place, and people who survived
were killed with guns. Flaka, Mirela and Arben11 survived, but were wounded.
Later, they brought a truck, and put them all on the truck, and went towards
Prizren. People who saw the truck saw blood dripping down to the road.
Flaka, Mirela and Arben jumped off the truck near Ljutoglav. People who
were there took them to the doctor of the KLA. In total, forty-eight people
were killed in half an hour.12
The OSCE's report on Kosovo includes information
provided by one of the survivors, Flaka. She said that on March 21, the
police questioned her husband as to why he had allowed the OSCE to stay
in his house. On March 25, as the witness above testified, the police visited
her home around 5:00 a.m. They beat her husband unconscious in her house
(the above witness was not able to see this) and stole any goods of value
left by the OSCE.
According to her testimony in the OSCE report, the
police came again on March 26. She explained how, after shooting some of
her relatives in front of the house, she and a group of other uninjured
family members were chased to another part of town, where they were forced
into a cafe. Citing her testimony, the report states:
Around midday on 26 March the police came again.
A policeman she knew (and named in the interview) called her brother-in-law's
son outside and shot him dead. The police screamed at them and when the
families ran outside they found their house "under siege" from police,
Serb civilians and "Gypsies" (Maxhupet). Some of the family were shot dead
immediately. The interviewee was among a group of other family members
who were chased to a different part of the town, apprehended and pushed
into a café.
She saw the police shoot every person in the room
with machine-guns and rifles. She had her four children-two girls aged
sixteen and fourteen and two sons aged ten and two years old-gathered around
her. They were all killed. She was trying to protect her two-year-old son
with her legs but he was shot and died.13 She was also hit in the abdomen
with a bullet that had passed through her elder son's body. She encouraged
him to pretend he was dead but as the perpetrators collected the bodies
and took them outside they saw that her eldest son was still breathing
and shot him again. She heard him cry out once. At least twelve children
under age seventeen were killed and ten adults including a pregnant woman.
The interviewee pretended to be dead as the police removed all valuables
from their bodies. . . . She was placed in a truck on top of other bodies
including the children. On the way towards Prizren she jumped from the
truck and was found by people who took her to UCK-held territory where
her wounds were treated. She then spent some time moving around Kosovo
avoiding the shelling. She left Kosovo on 9 May.14
The OSCE report also states that two witnesses saw
a truck full of dead men, women and children "on or around March 26" drive
into the garden of the high school, where the bodies were set on fire,
although neither the OSCE nor Human Rights Watch confirmed that these bodies
were those of the Berisha family. Serbs, whose names were recorded by the
witnesses, were repeatedly seen unloading the bodies.15
Other killings took place on March 25 in the neighborhood
where the Berisha family lived. One woman, N.E., who lived a few hundred
meters from the Berisha house, explained how security forces entered her
home and executed her son, Fadil (aged twenty-six) and brother-in-law Medi
(aged fifty). She said:
We woke up at 5:10 a.m. on Thursday, March 25, because
of gunshots. We went to the door, and saw they were in the house of our
neighbor. Right away, some of them came to us. In total, there were seven
of us, but only two men: Fadil and Medi. They came inside and asked the
owner: "Where are the children?" They caught my son Fadil and the brother
of my husband, Medi, and started to body search them. They were pointing
their guns at our chests, and demanded money and gold. We gave them all
we had. They took Medi, a lawyer, in another room, and asked him something.
They brought him back, then they took Medi and Fadil in another room. They
started shooting in front of our feet, and told us to get out of the house.
We didn't see them being shot, but we heard the
shots when we were still in the house. There were eight of them [police],
and two of them went into the room with them. With us, there were four
inside, and two at the door. They started shooting [at us and at them]
at about the same time. They had green camouflage uniforms, white bandanas,
and knives. They didn't have masks. I didn't recognize any of them, but
I remember the one who gave the orders. He was short, had a black hat,
he was dark skinned, a little bit fat, no moustache or beard, about thirty-five
to forty years old. They spoke in Serbian, but outside, when they started
to insult us, they sometimes used Albanian words. Neither Fadil nor Medi
had fought with the KLA. Medi has worked in court, and later worked in
the Balkan factory. Fadil was a mathematics teacher.16
Another female family member who was in the house
at the same time confirmed N.E.'s account and then found Fadil and Medi's
bodies when she returned to Kosovo in June. She said:
We left Medi and Fadil, and went to Semetishte,
and then on to Albania. When I came back from Albania, I saw signs of the
bodies inside the house, there was hair on the floor. We found the body
of Medi on August 29, and buried him yesterday. He was in a graveyard on
the road to Restan. People of KFOR took Medi's body out, together with
some others. Fadil was found two weeks ago in a graveyard on the road to
Pecan.17
In describing another incident, a woman told of
four policemen coming to her home, shooting her uncle and, apparently,
her father. She told Human Rights Watch:
On March 25, about 7:00 a.m., we were staying in
this room. There were ten of us in the room, only two men, my father Avdyl
(aged forty-seven) and my uncle Osman (aged forty-one). At first, they
[the Serbs] were staying outside near this window. Then they broke the
door, came in, and told us to go outside. But at the door they stopped
us and asked if there was someone upstairs. First they had taken money
from my uncle.
There were four Serbs: one inside, one at the door,
one in the yard, and one at the gate. They had masks, gray uniforms, no
camouflage, patches, white bandanas on the arm with nothing on it. I didn't
recognize any of them. They took us outside, separated my uncle and he
was shot in the yard. My sister is an invalid, and my father was carrying
her. We went on the road to Pecan. They gathered other people from the
neighborhood. They stopped us near the school, a few hundred meters away
from our house. The put us all in a [unfinished] building without a roof.
We stayed there, and they told my father to put my sister Aferdita (fourteen)
on the ground. They told all of us to get out of the building, and kept
my father there. Me and my sister carried Aferdita. They told us to go
to the KLA, and we don't know anything else anymore. After about ten meters,
we heard shots from the building. We had to go on to Pecan. They later
found the body of my uncle in the graveyard of the Berisha family. We don't
know what they did to my father.18
Yet another woman, whose daughter was among those
killed with the Berisha family (see above), explained how two other members
of her family, one of them a mechanic for the OSCE, were killed by armed
Serbs that same day:
At 5:45 a.m. on March 25, we woke up from gun shots.
I woke up, my husband Raif (aged fifty-seven) was still sleeping. I went
upstairs to see if there were police at the school or not. I didn't see
any of them in the streets or the school, but I heard a lot of gunfire.
I went down again, and I heard the gun shots coming closer to us. I woke
my husband up, and we discussed what to do. I proposed the attic, but he
said no, they can burn the house. We discussed whether we should go to
the attic or the basement.
My husband was still dressing when they came inside
the yard. There were a lot of them in the yard, and a lot of them in the
street. About twenty in the yard, maybe more. They had grey uniforms, white
bandanas, I didn't see any masks. They were screaming, and asked for the
owner of the house. My husband went out to speak with them, but they didn't
let him speak. They asked: "Do you have children inside the house?" My
husband started to scream to us: "Get out!" When I went out, I saw my husband
lying on the ground, I don't know why. They took me to him, and told my
husband to get up. They told both of us to put our hands in the air. They
didn't allow him to say anything. They pointed a gun at us, and I begged
them not to shoot us, we were innocent.
They were talking through a walkie-talkie. They
kept us for five minutes, and then one of them said: "Go away, women!"
I went to the house of my brother-in-law Kadri, and when I got there, I
saw Mina, Kadri, and Bardhyl [family members] in a line with guns pointed
at them by twenty Serbs. When they saw me, they told me to get in the line.
They didn't know the others had released me. Mina and I started to scream:
"Don't shoot at us!" But Bardhyl and Kadri didn't say anything. Mina wanted
to save her son Bardhyl, so she gave 1,000 DM and a gold necklace. She
said: "Please, just release my son!"
One of them started to scream that we had to go
away. One policemen came and took us outside the gate and onto the street.
When we went onto the street, we heard shots, but we didn't see it happening.
They told us to leave for Semetishte. They only spoke Serbian. Later, they
found the bodies in the house of Bardhyl.19
Human Rights Watch spoke separately with Bardhyl
H., aged twenty-six, who confirmed the above account. He added his personal
story, which included hiding in a basement for twenty-eight days, during
which time he kept a journal:20
The day after NATO started bombing, before 6:00
a.m., we were surrounded by the police. We were sleeping, my father, mother
and me. They [Serbian security forces] came up the steps, and were in the
yard. One of them on the steps started to scream: "Come on, open the door,
fast!" I was in the bedroom on the first floor, my parents were in the
living room. When I went out from the room, I saw my parents in the hallway.
I ran down and opened the door. One of them was in front of the door, and
he pointed a Kalashnikov at us. We went out with our hands up. For twenty
minutes, they abused us in the yard, asking all kinds of questions and
pushing us.
We had two cars in the garage, and they told me
to open the doors and they took the car keys from me. In the meantime,
they had brought my uncle and his wife here, after about fifteen minutes
[see above testimony]. They separated us men, and told the women to get
out of here. My mother started to beg them: "Please release my son!" Before
they had been checking the house, and my mom gave them money, about 1,000
DM.
But they started to push the women to leave. After
the women left, they took us up the steps to the house and started to shoot
at us. We jumped into the hallway, and fortunately I was not hit. I managed
to go up the stairs and went to the attic. Both my father and my uncle
were hit and killed. When I went upstairs, the house of my uncle, which
is connected to ours, was burning, and they shot with a gun to burn our
house as well. I stayed in the attic for ten to fifteen minutes, but the
house was burning, so I jumped from the balcony and went into the yard
of my uncle. I went inside a little shed, which was not burned, and stayed
until the evening. Then I went into the basement of the house and stayed
there for twenty-eight days. The first ten days, it was difficult to get
food, I just ate sugar and jam from the house. And I found some baby food
I ate. It was hard to get water. After ten days, I found a gas can in the
house of my neighbor, and I could make pancakes, french fries etc. For
water, I went down in the well with a plastic canister of three liters
and took water. During the night, I sometimes went out in the yard, but
during the day the police were in the streets. After that, I went outside,
and went to the area where there were still people from Suva Reka.
There were twenty to thirty Serbs, probably paramilitaries,
in the yard [on the day of the killing]. It was not regular police. My
mother says the uniform was black, but I think it was dark blue. They had
white bandanas around their arms, and all of them were young, seventeen
or eighteen years old. They had no masks, no insignia, and nothing written
on the bandanas. There were no signs at all. They had Zastava cars. I didn't
see any other weapons, just automatics. They only spoke Serbian to us.
The bodies stayed here for a long time, I don't
know how long. None of us were ever in the KLA, my father was a quiet man,
he never hurt anybody.21
A male resident of Suva Reka told Human Rights Watch
how Serbian forces killed at least ten other men in another incident on
March 25. He said:
The day after NATO bombing, at 6 a.m., Serb paramilitaries,
police and Serb civilians entered Albanian homes. The police went from
house to house, gathered the men, and brought them to a house maybe thirty
meters away from my house. We managed to escape. When they asked for money
and gold, Fadil Berisha gave them 200 DM, but it wasn't enough, and they
shot him. Ahmet Kryeziu (aged fifty-four) gave them 500 DM, but he was
killed anyway by the same guys. Abdullah Elshani (aged approximately forty-two)
and Osman Elshani (aged approximately thirty-three) were also gathered
and brought to the same place. Again, they gave money, then they were shot.
In total, ten or eleven people were killed this way in this house. I was
in our yard, maybe twenty or thirty meters away. There were four or five
men wearing ordinary police uniforms, carrying machine guns.22
Exactly how many people were killed in Suva Reka
town on March 25 is unclear. But based on the testimonies in this report,
at least forty people were killed, including eleven children aged sixteen
or under and seven women.
After March 29, many of Suva Reka's residents were
allowed to stay in the town. Ethnic Albanians interviewed by Human Rights
Watch reported continued harassment, looting and burning, but no serious
physical maltreatment during this time. The authorities distributed registration
cards to the Albanian residents and ordered the men to report to the police
station once a day. Food was available at Serbian-run stores. One woman
originally from Recan, X.X. (initials altered) said that, around the beginning
of May, she was in the village of Shtime:
We stayed there one night, and they [Serbian police]
gave us biscuits and cakes. Then they told us to go to Suva Reka and go
to houses that were not burned yet. We stayed in Suva Reka for one week.
We didn't have any problems there. All men had to report every day to the
police station. They were told not to accommodate any refugees or KLA people.
We got a registration card in Suva Reka. The Serbs told us we could walk
freely, but that we should be careful of bombing. But only men walked in
the streets; the rest didn't go out. There was not sufficient food in Suva
Reka, only the food we found in the house. There were no shops anymore,
they've burned them all.23
Some Albanians, however, were expelled from Suva
Reka around May 21, some of them on buses organized by the police. The
witness above, X.X., told Human Rights Watch:
Yesterday [May 21] at 9:00 a.m., they told us to
leave. My husband went to the police station as usual, and that's where
they told him we should leave. All people in Suva Reka had to leave, but
they were all people from surrounding villages. We went to the main road,
and there were three buses waiting that took us to Zhur. We were treated
well in the bus, there were no problems. At the border, they took 50 DM
from me.24
Belanica (Bellanice)
North of Suva
Reka town, Belanica is a small farming village with three hundred families
and an estimated 3,000 people, all of them ethnic Albanians, set amidst
bucolic orchards and vineyards. The houses are spread around a large grassy
field, with a school and medical clinic in its center.
The villagers in Belanica had to flee their homes
on a number of occasions during the government's summer 1998 offensive.
At least one villager is known to have died at this time when he returned
during the shelling to care for his livestock. Otherwise, the villagers
were generally spared direct violence, even though the KLA was active in
the area.
That changed with the onset of NATO bombing. Over
the period of a few days, tens of thousands of ethnic Albanians, most of
them displaced from nearby villages, gathered in Belanica, where they were
harassed, beaten, and robbed by Serbian police and paramilitaries, before
being expelled to Albania. There are strong allegations of rape, and more
than two dozen men from the Belanica area are believed to have been killed.
Belanica is a unique case in the Suva Reka municipality
since both the KLA and the Serbian forces allowed Albanian civilians to
congregate there. The KLA told civilians who were fleeing the shelling
of their villages that Belanica was safe. Meanwhile, Serbian police and
Yugoslav Army soldiers also directed the internally displaced towards the
village because, they said, there was no fighting there. Somewhere between
12,000 and tens of thousands of ethnic Albanians, depending on the witness,
crammed into the village, most of them huddled together with their tractors
in the central field. Shortly thereafter, the police and paramilitaries
attacked the village, which suggests that Belanica might have been used
by Serbian forces as a gathering point for the internally displaced to
expedite their expulsion from Kosovo, as well as the looting and robberies
that accompanied the "ethnic cleansing."
Villagers in the Suva Reka municipality began to
flee their villages due to police harassment and attacks just after the
OSCE departed Kosovo on March 20. By March 24, the commencement of NATO
bombing, thousands of refugees had fled to the hills and forests due to
government shelling or fear of attacks. Many gathered in Pagarusa village
where the KLA was located.
Refugees testified to Human Rights Watch that the
KLA directed them to Belanica beginning around March 25. Thousands went
to Belanica on March 31 when Pagarusa was shelled. One eighteen-year-old
woman from Duhel told Human Rights Watch:
We stayed four nights in Pagarusa, beginning on
the night of March 26. When they [government forces] began to shell the
village on March 31, people began to flee. Many shells fell; I couldn't
even count them. Two women were killed by the shelling, one from Banja
village in the Malisevo district and one from Decani.
We left Pagarusa for Belanica on March 31. We went
to Belanica because the KLA told us to go there; they said there was no
shelling there. But it seems this was also the army's goal; they wanted
us to concentrate there, and that's why they didn't shell it.25
By March 31, at least 12,000 displaced ethnic Albanians
were in Belanica, according to one person who was present, most of them
women, children, and elderly, since the men of fighting age had fled into
the hills. Most other witnesses claimed the number was much higher, even
up to 100,000 from the surrounding villages. The most authoritative journalistic
research on Belanica was conducted by John Daniszewski from the Los
Angeles Times, who interviewed more than two
dozen villagers from Belanica and the surrounding area, and published a
series of articles that focused on one family. In one of his articles,
"The Death of Belanica," he estimated that 80,000 people from fifty different
villages were in Belanica.26
According to the article, on the evening of March
31, a KLA soldier warned those in Belanica that the KLA was retreating,
leaving it open to attack. An estimated 1,600 more young men fled into
the hills.
The details given in the article closely match the
testimony of twenty witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, both in
Albania when they were refugees and back in Kosovo in August. According
to most of the testimonies, the government's attack began on April 1, although
three people said it began on March 31. Around 6:00 a.m. on April 1, most
witnesses said, shells fell on the lower end of Belanica. By early afternoon,
Serbian troops dressed in blue and black uniforms, some with ski masks
and others with face paint, entered the village, shooting wildly into the
air. Tanks and armored vehicles roared into the center of the village.
One witness originally from Dobrodeljane (Doberdolan)
claimed that the police tried to register some of the internally displaced.
According to the witness, the Serbian forces said that no one would be
hurt and that people could go home after the registration process, although
the police did shoot at a few young men who were trying to escape.27
All of the witnesses, however, agree on what came
next: terror and banditry at the hands of the Serbian police and paramilitaries.
Many men were beaten over the next few days, they said, and an unknown
number were killed in the village.
The most common police and paramilitary activity
was robbery. Every person interviewed said that the government forces demanded
money and jewelry from men, women, and children in return for their lives.
Deutsche Marks were demanded to save a person's life. When people could
not pay, they were killed. One woman told Human Rights Watch:
They kept coming up to the tractors. It was mostly
women and children on the tractors. They would come up and do things like
pull the pin from a grenade and say, "I'm going to drop this in there with
you if you don't give me some Deutsche Marks." They would also grab the
children by the throat and pull out a knife, saying, "We'll kill the kid
if you don't pay up."28
Another woman told Human Rights Watch:
I heard lots of screaming, lots of gun shots. They
hit people when the people refused to give them money. The police kept
coming up and saying "Give us money or we will kill you." People with no
money had no way of saving themselves.
At one point, the police came up to a man on the
tractor in front of me. They said, "Give us money!" He didn't have anything
for them. He was from Ostrozub (Astrazup) village. So they pulled him off
the tractor and killed him. When he didn't give them anything they [four
policemen] pulled him off the tractor by his arms and legs. They brought
him around to the back of a house, then I couldn't see him anymore. I heard
shooting and I could see one of the policemen aiming his gun and firing.
The man didn't come back to his tractor.29
Yet another woman said:
The people who were killed had no money. The soldiers
wouldn't accept [Yugoslav] dinars; they demanded Deutsche Marks. I saw
a woman with her wounded son. A policeman came up to her and said, "Give
me 1,000DM or I'll kill him." She pleaded with others to giver her money
so that she could pay the policeman, and she got some. Her son was not
killed.30
One fifty-three-year-old man originally from Duhel
said that he saw the police kill five people. He told Human Rights Watch:
The scariest part was that the Serbs were shooting
in the air and my children were scared. I saw them killing five people
about fifteen meters away from me. They were asking the victims for money.
They didn't have money, so the Serbs shot them dead. I don't know the people
who were killed.31
One woman, H.S., explained how the police took away
her seventeen-year-old son, Ifraim, and demanded money for his return.
She said:
After the registration, they came to the tractors
and demanded money. I had met a relative and was in their tractor. They
took my son of seventeen, Ifraim Shala, away and took him to a basement.
They said: "Your son is in the KLA, you have to give us money or we'll
kill him." I had to give them jewelry to get my son back. They kept him
for one hour in the basement, and came four times to ask for money and
jewelry before the let my son go. They threatened me, and said: "Whore,
give me all your money." They beat up my son when he came out of the basement.
They beat him with the butt of a gun. In total, they beat him three times.
They also did this to other people. They just roamed
around the crowd, asking for money. When you gave money, they left, but
then came back again, and asked again for money. This continued several
times, until there was no more money, and then people got beaten. I saw
several people get beaten. They wore blue uniforms, and some of them black
uniforms, with black bulletproof vests with [Cyrillic] letters on the back.
Some had masks, you could just see the eyes.32
Human Rights Watch interviewed two other men who
were taken for brief periods into the basement of a house in Belanica.
Both of them were interrogated about the KLA, threatened with death, and
beaten, but eventually released.
H.S. also witnessed the security forces shoot three
men because they did not have any money. She said:
In the light of the tractor, I saw two men from
Marali [Moralija in Serbian] in a tractor with a trailer maybe two tractors
away from mine. The same three masked men who had asked us for money came
to them, and asked for money. They grabbed them by their clothes, and demanded
money. The men said they didn't have any money. Then they shot them with
a small gun, you could barely hear the shooting. One of the men was around
fifty, the other around thirty-five. I heard that others were killed as
well, but I haven't seen that. Those who had money were told to leave,
those who didn't were stopped and beaten up. We heard gunshots all the
time, and threats, like: "You asked for NATO, so go to NATO, go to Albania."33
One woman, aged seventy, gave detailed testimony
about how the police broke into her home and killed her seventy-seven-year-old
husband. The elderly couple had decided to stay in their home with a young
child, she said, because they were too tired to go into the field:
We put on a fire and tried to warm up some food.
As we were sitting there, four or five men suddenly came in. My husband
can't see so well; he didn't know they were soldiers. He said to them "Welcome!"
and then offered them cigarettes. They knocked the cigarette pack from
his hand. Then one of the soldiers shot him in the arm. Then they shot
him again, this time in the chest. My husband said, "Oh, mother," and fell
on the ground.
There was a small child with us in the house; they
kicked him, but didn't kill him. Then they went to the second floor, searched
the house, and told me to leave. There was a tank nearby; as I was leaving
the house, they fired a shell at the building. The house was destroyed.34
Another witness, a journalist from Belanica, said
that he saw the police shoot a mentally handicapped and deaf man because
he did not give them money. He said:
Just minutes before we left, in the house of my
cousins, they killed Agim Bytyqi, a retarded man from Nishor [Nisor in
Serbian], who was between thirty-eight and forty years old. I saw it happen.
I was only twenty to thirty meters away. He couldn't talk, he was deaf
and dumb. I think they were asking him for money, and when he didn't answer,
they shot him with a burst of gunfire from an automatic gun.35
Lastly, two different witnesses, interviewed seperately,
reported the killing of two men from Moralija village (Marali) in Orahovac
municipality, Osman and Bekim Vrenezi. One witness, a cousin of the two
men, told Human Rights Watch that the police took Osman and Bekim away,
claiming that they were in the KLA. He said:
At 4:00 or 5:00 p.m., they took two of them, Osman
(aged twenty-seven) and Bekim (aged fifteen), and said they were members
of the KLA. They asked for money, but we didn't have a bank with us, and
we didn't have any money left to give. They had all of our money, 2,500
Deutsche Marks and gold. We were without money. They kept saying that they
were KLA. Then they took them away, and we didn't see what happened. We
were afraid to leave our family. The KLA later found them [dead] in Belanica.36
The other witness, a man from the same village but
unrelated to the family, claimed to have seen Osman and Bekim Vrenezi get
shot, ostensibly because they did not give enough money to the police.
He told Human Rights Watch:
At 7:30 p.m., two people from my village, Osman
Vrenezi, twenty-seven years old, and Bekim Vrenezi, sixteen years old,37
were killed. They asked them for money. They had 900 Marks, but they wanted
1,000, which they didn't have. I heard the shots, and I saw them fall down.38
It is not clear how many people were killed in Belanica
since the Albanians came from such a wide range of villages. All together,
witnesses cited in the Los Angeles Times
article claimed to have seen twenty-two people killed, although this is
not presented as a total figure for the village. Human Rights Watch confirmed
twelve killings based on twenty witness interviews, although at least one
of these is also mentioned in the Los
Angeles Times article.39 A follow-up article
by John Daniszewski cites the mayor of Belanica, Gani Zogaj, as saying
that thirteen men from the village were killed.40 According to the war
crimes tribunal, three bodies were found in the village.41 Again, since
the victims came from the surrounding area, relatives may have taken their
bodies away for burial.
Human Rights Watch also heard serious allegations
about rape in Belanica, but was unable to document any specific cases.
Ethnic Albanians suggested that rape had taken place, but they were unwilling
to speak about it. The Los Angeles Times
article also mentions how gunmen threatened women with rape. One witness
claimed that two women were taken into an abandoned house and raped, but
this allegation remains unconfirmed. Other women are in the article as
reporting sexual harassment, such as security forces making them take off
their shirts to check for money.
Beginning April 1, the Albanians in Belanica were
ordered to leave the village, and many of the homes were set on fire. Convoys
of tractors and people on foot were sent in two directions: south to Suva
Reka town, Prizren, and then Morina on the border with Albania, or northwest
to Malisevo, and then to Orahovac, Zrze, Prizren, and Morina. Police and
army units were very present along all of the roads, witnesses said. Some
Albanians were forced to stay for twenty-four hours in Malisevo until the
Malisevo police organized three buses and many trucks to bring the people
to Zur village near the border.
Some men were detained by security forces during
the journey to Albania. One man from Belanica explained how four men were
taken on the road between Malisevo and Ostrozub (Astrazup), three of whom
were later found dead. He said:
We went from Malisevo to Ostrozub, where they stopped
Shaban Zogaj, the son of my neighbor, and took him away. They hit him with
the butt of an automatic gun, and he was lying down on the asphalt. Then
they told us to leave, and we didn't know what happened to him. When we
came to Orahovac, they took three young guys: Sami Zogaj (aged twenty),
Sali Zogaj (aged thirty-three), and Elmi Zogaj (aged nineteen). [We heard]
they were shot on April 5. We later went to take their bodies in Orahovac
and reburied them here [in Belanica].42
Human Rights Watch interviewed Shaban Zogaj's father
about the incident. As of August 19, he had no information about Shaban's
whereabouts or condition. He said:
In Ostrozub, I was with the tractor, and two tractors
and a truck were behind me with my family. When we left Ostrozub, near
the INA gas station, they stopped my tractor again, and took my son Shaban
(thirty-three) from the tractor. I didn't see it happen, I was in front
of him. I asked someone if they [the rest of his family] were coming, and
someone said no. I stopped my tractor, and waited. When they came, I asked
my [other] son: "Are all of you here?" My son said: "Father, they have
detained Shaban." I went to the truck, and asked my family if we had any
money left. We had 2,000 DM. I took the money, and went back. My son Ismail
told me not to go. But I said I wanted to go. He tried to stop me but he
couldn't. So my son started to swear and said: "Please don't go, we already
lost one [family member], I don't want to lose another." But I went, and
my son came behind me, and said: "Don't go, it's over. They hit him and
he was lying on the asphalt." But I didn't want to stop. I came very close,
but then the police told me: "Your son is now our son, and we know what
we will do with him." They brought me back. I tried to give them money,
but it didn't help. I went back [to my family] and we went on. It is hard
to leave family behind, it would have been better if I had seen him being
killed. I don't know what happened to him. Since I've come back [to Kosovo],
only five days ago, I haven't tried to find him. Tomorrow I'll go to Istok,
where they are digging up graves.43
Human Rights Watch also interviewed a family member
of the three other Zogaj men who corroborated the story. Elmi, Sami, and
Sali were taken off their tractor in Orahovac, the witness said, and the
family was forced to move on. He told Human Rights Watch:
We left them in the hands of God. They killed them
five days later. We found them on June 19 in the graveyard of Orahovac.
We exhumed all three bodies, and we recognized them from their clothes.
Sali had been beaten in Belanica and his jawbone was broken. He was executed
at close distance. He was shot in the head. Sami was also shot in the head.
Elmi was shot in the chest. Their jackets were all covered with bullet
holes.44
Village in the Suva Reka Municipality45
On April 21,
Serbian security forces surrounded a small village in the Suva Reka municipality
that will remain nameless due to the nature of the crimes that took place
there. All of the village's men fled into the hills except for eleven older
men who stayed behind with between 200 and 300 women and children. All
of the eleven men were killed and thrown into a village well. The women
were held for three days in private houses, where some of them were sexually
abused and raped.
Human Rights Watch first learned of the abuses in
late April while interviewing refugees in northern Albania. At that time,
the women of the village reported being held for three days in private
houses by Serbian forces. Two of the women interviewed openly acknowledged
having been raped, while witnesses gave Human Rights Watch the names of
four other women whom they believe were sexually abused.
As refugees in Albania, the women told Human Rights
Watch that the police had taken away eleven elderly men. Some women claimed
to have seen one of these men lying dead near the road as they were marched
out of the town on April 24, but they didn't know who it was. One elderly
woman testified that she had overheard the police talking about how they
had killed the men and thrown them into a deep well. The other men were
missing, they said.
When Human Rights Watch visited the village on August
1, different villagers confirmed that the same eleven men mentioned by
the women had been killed. The men were thrown into a village well, which
was then mined. Forensics experts from the war crimes tribunal discovered
twelve bodies (a twelfth man was killed on May 5).
According to villagers in the area, the KLA had
been active in the Suva Reka municipality throughout 1998 and 1999 in the
Petrovo area, with a base in Budakovo. During the NATO bombing, the KLA
was also in the village of Lanishte (Llanishte).
The police first came to the village on April 5,
villagers said. They demanded money and jewelry at this time, and burned
some of the homes, but they did not directly abuse any of the village inhabitants.
According to the OSCE report, the villagers prepared a local guard in anticipation
of another government attack.46
The police surrounded the village again in the early
afternoon of April 21. The men of the village, including some people from
nearby villages, fled into the hills to join the KLA. A large number of
people from the villages east of Suva Reka gathered near Lanishte, where
the KLA was based. There was fighting in the area for three days, one witness
said, leaving sixty Albanians injured and two dead, as well as five Serbian
policemen killed.47 According to the Serbian Ministry of the Interior,
nineteen policemen were injured in "terrorist attacks" in the Suva Reka
municipality between April 22 and 24, although it is not clear whether
they were injured in the fighting mentioned by the witness.48 After three
days, the KLA sent the civilian population, as many as 10,000 people according
to one witness, to Petrovo. Some civilians went to Racak.
The only people with direct knowledge of what occurred
in the village after April 21 are the women and children who remained there,
and their Serbian captors. According to survivors-Human Rights Watch spoke
with twelve women-the police captured all of the 200 to 300 women and children
(including fifty women from nearby villages and the eleven elderly men)
in a field. The men were searched and taken away. The women were divided
up randomly for confinement in three private houses.
During this time, the women were repeatedly threatened
and harassed. The police demanded the women place their money and jewelry
in a bucket that was passed around. When the booty was inadequate, one
witness said, a policeman held a knife to a three year-old boy, saying
that he would kill him if the mother didn't produce gold or money.49 Certain
women were ordered to cook and clean for the Serbian forces. Some were
forced to have sex with their captors.
The two rape victims interviewed by Human Rights
Watch were held in the same house, which was crowded with frightened women
and children. Women held in other houses described similar conditions.
One of the victims described how she was sexually abused on two occasions,
during one of which she was raped. At approximately 4 p.m. on her second
day of captivity, she said, she was "chosen" from among a large group of
women by a man in a green camouflage uniform. The man took her to another
house and raped her. She told Human Rights Watch:
[The rapist] said "come here." He took me away from
all the women and did whatever he wanted with me. He was small, about forty
or so, dark-skinnned, a Gypsy. The Serbs have recruited Gypsies. I knew
he was a Gypsy because of the way he looked: they're black, dark-skinned.
There's lots of them in Suva Reka. He was in a green camouflage uniform,
the same as the Serbs, with red stripes on the shoulder. . . .
The Gypsy took me to another house, about five minutes'
walk away. He was alone with me for half an hour or an hour. He had sex
with me: he did whatever he wanted. It was a cousin's house. We left around
5:00 p.m 50
The following day, another man demanded she go with
him to a different house some ten minutes' walk away. According to the
woman's account, the man did not tell her where he was taking her or why,
but instead pushed her forward with his gun when she started crying.
The house was full of members of the Serbian security
forces, she told Human Rights Watch. They asked her questions, using a
mixture of gestures and very basic words to communicate, as the woman hardly
understood Serbian. They asked her age, whether she had any children, and
the whereabouts of her husband. They asked her for money. When she told
them that she had none, they ordered her to take off her clothes. She started
crying and pulling out her hair, which made the men laugh. They put on
some music.
After she took off her clothes, the men approached
her one by one as she stood before them naked. She told Human Rights Watch
that all of them looked at her, then they left her alone in the room with
the man she believed to be their commander and another officer, who was
naked on a bed. The victim was made to lie on the bed with the officer
who, she said, touched her breasts but did not force her to touch him.
The commander, whom she recognized as such because he had gold stars on
his cap and had issued orders to others, reclined on his back about ten
feet away. "I kept crying all the time and pushing his hands away," she
said. "Finally he said to me, I'm not going to do anything. The commander
just stared at us."
After approximately ten minutes, the other soldiers
returned to the room and, still nude, the woman was forced to serve them
coffee. She was then ordered to put her clothes back on and clean up. She
picked up the dirty cups and dishes and swept the floor, she said. Then
she was returned to the house with the other women. When the others asked
what had happened to her, she refused to tell them.
The second rape victim told Human Rights Watch that
the police took her away from the house where she was being held and brought
her to another house. There she was placed in a room and forced to strip
naked. One after the other, five members of the Serb forces entered the
room to look at her body, but it was only the last man who raped her, she
said. While he was assaulting her, the other four entered the room and
watched. The woman also stated that someone had placed a walkie-talkie
under the bed in the room, and that throughout the ordeal the Serbian forces
shouted at her via the walkie talkie to scare her. In all, she was held
in the room for about half an hour. She explained:
Five soldiers came into the room where I was naked,
one by one. Only the last one had physical contact with me; the others
just looked, and said to me: "If the others ask, say that we had contact."
Each one spent a few minutes with me. . . . The last guy stayed longer
than the others. After a while the other guys burst into the room and found
us having sex; they stayed and watched. I was in the room no more than
a half hour.51
Other women held in the village told Human Rights
Watch that they had seen or heard other women being taken by the Serbian
forces during their three days in captivity. One elderly woman said that,
on the third night, the police entered one house shining a flashlight in
the faces of the women, many of whom were trying to cover their heads with
their scarves. They found one woman and said, "You come with us." She returned
approximately two hours later and, when asked what happened, said, "Don't
ask me anything."52
Human Rights Watch spoke with a doctor from the
United Arab Emirates refugee camp in Kukes, Albania, where the refugees
from the village were staying in late April. He said that three other women
from the village had come to him on April 27 to report that they had been
raped. The doctor said that one of these women showed obvious signs of
severe emotional distress.53
On Saturday, April 24, all of the women in the village
were forced to walk to a nearby village, where they were held in the local
school for two days and two nights without food or water, although no one
reported further physical abuse. On April 26, the Serbian Red Cross came
and provided the women and children with milk, bread, and canned food.
The group was then taken in two buses to the village of Zur, where they
were forced to walk across the border into Albania.
The residents of the village returned to their homes
on June 16. Human Rights Watch visited the village on August 1. Only two
of the twenty-eight houses were not damaged in some way, mostly by fire.
Villagers told Human Rights Watch that twelve men
in total had been killed in the village. One of them was killed on May
5 in a field. The eleven others were all killed on or around April 21.
The names provided were exactly the same as those provided to Human Rights
Watch by the female refugees in Albania. Their ages, from forty-nine to
ninety-one, also matched. Furthermore, the villagers said, all eleven bodies
were found in a local well, which was also mined. Human Rights Watch saw
the freshly-dug graves of the eleven men on the edge of the village. According
to her November 10 report to the UN Security Council, ICTY prosecutor Carla
Del Ponte said that forensics experts had discovered twelve bodies in the
village.54
According to the villagers, the first government
forces to arrive in the village were in blue or green uniforms. On the
second day, however, they were joined by armed men in green uniforms believed
to be army personel. Many of the men had brown armbands; some perpetrators
had long hair and beards and others wore black ski masks. One of the policemen,
a witness said, had black hair with a dyed yellow streak in front. One
of the rape victims said that most of the Serbs in the house where she
was taken were carrying foot-long knives on their belts.
Trnje (Terrnje)
Human Rights
Watch spoke with three eyewitnesses to a mass killing on March 25 in the
village of Trnje, six kilometers southwest of Suva Reka town. Interviewed
separately, the witnesses reported direct knowledge of between twenty-four
and thirty-six killings at the hands of security forces in green uniforms,
and the total number may be higher.55 One of the witnesses saw Serbian
forces taking away the bodies four days later.
All three witnesses, two from Trnje and one originally
from Studecane, testified that government security forces entered the village
around 6:00 a.m. on March 25. It appears that two houses on the edge of
the village were targeted. One witness, I.G., a survivor of the shooting
in his house, told Human Rights Watch:
Two police came inside the house, and inside the
living room, and eight or ten were outside with guns. The police who came
inside told us to go outside. They didn't even allow us to put on our shoes.
I went out, and saw the other policemen [in our yard], and lots of police
outside the gate, and another group of police coming from the direction
of the school. The other police were standing at the wall, pointing their
automatic guns at us. They told us to sit down, and we all sat down in
a line, my father was the last one. My father came to me and said he would
go inside the house, but when _he went two other policemen inside the house
shot him in his neck and _killed him.
Then one of them came to me, and asked me where
the men were, because there were only three men, and the rest were all
women and children. From their pocket they took out some insignia or emblem
of the KLA, put it in my mouth, and told me to ask for NATO. Then they
hit me with the butt of a gun in the back of my head. They broke my skull,
I was operated on [later]. I fell down, and lost consciousness for a moment.
When I opened my eyes again, I saw a line of eight policemen who started
to shoot at us with an automatic [gun]. Only two of us survived, me and
my cousin N. B. from Studenqan [Studencane]. One third young kid survived
for thirty hours, but then he died. I was not hit. After they killed everyone,
they burned three houses. Only one room was okay.56
The man later left his house to look for other people
in the village. In the house of the Voci family, he saw Ali Voci lying
dead. At the house of a relative, he saw Shemsi and Votim (a seven-year-old
child) also lying dead. In total, the man believes that thirty-six people
were killed on March 25 in the village, and another nine were killed thereafter
during the war. But he was only able to provide the names of twenty-four
victims.
Human Rights Watch spoke with another survivor,
N.B., who corroborated I.G's account.57 He said that he had come to Trnje
to be with his family because there had been shooting and shelling in his
home village of Studecane since the OSCE left on March 20. He explained
how, in Trnje on March 25, one of the men in green uniform was holding
a KLA patch in his hand and demanding to know who was the owner of a house.
It was this man, N.B. said, who gave the order to shoot:
The man with the [KLA] emblem in his hand gave the
order: "Shoot!" In one second, they started to shoot, and we all fell down.
They hit me in my left hand.58 I saw it was all covered with blood, and
I couldn't move it. After I fell down, I heard one shot-they were shooting
at me because I was moving. But the bullets didn't hit me. I stayed like
that for three to five minutes, and when I didn't hear anything, I stood
up. I saw that one child about nine years old was still moving. I went
to my car, about five meters away, and at that moment I.G., who was on
the right, stood up. He was all bloody on his head and neck. We asked each
other where we were hit, and we saw that the others weren't moving anymore.59
The third witness was in a different house from
N.B. and I.G. This seventy-one-year-old man saw security forces-he did
not know if they were police or army-enter the village on the early morning
of March 25. They came inside the gate of his home, he said, and burned
the stable. Between ten and twelve armed men then came inside his house.
They threw a hand grenade, he said, but no one was injured.
The forces then went to other houses in the village,
including that of I.G. After some time, the witness left his home to look
around. He saw the dead bodies of Shemsi Gashi (aged forty), the wife of
his son (name unknown), and Votim Gashi (aged seven). Some people were
killed in another house, he said, including Barie Gashi, Ajmane Gashi,
and Besarta Gashi, all members of his family, as well as Rahime Voci (aged
fifty to fifty-five), Ramadan Krasniqi (aged seventy-three), Refie Kransiqi
(aged forty-eight or forty-nine), Behjare Krasniqi (pregnant, aged twenty-three
or twenty-four). Two hundred meters away were the bodies of the witness'
nephews, Shaban Gashi (aged thirty-eight) and Hamzi Gashi (aged thirty-five),
as well as those of Muhamet Krasniqi (aged sixty-three), and Refki Reshaj
(aged forty-nine). Finally, Haki Gashi (aged seventy-three) was killed
in the street and Mehmed Limani (aged fifty-five) was killed in the witness'
yard.60
On March 29, four days after the killing, N.B. claims
to have seen Serbian forces removing the bodies from Trnje in a truck.
He said:
Early in the morning I heard a truck come from Leshane
[Lesane in Serbian]. I heard them stop, and they opened the metal doors,
and I knew they came to take the bodies. I heard when they put them in
the truck, and I heard the Serbs complain about the smell. They put them
all in, and went back to Leshane. They also burnt the car, my tractor,
and another room where Musli was.
In the evening, I went out into Musli's yard, and
saw that they had taken all the bodies, there was just one child's jacket
left in the yard. I didn't see anyone in the village, and I didn't know
what to do. I decided to go to Mamushe, where the people from Studencan
were hiding. I arrived at midnight, but the people were afraid to take
in refugees, so I stayed two nights in the mosque. Then people from Pagarushe
came, and we took a truck and went to Albania. We put up a white flag to
show we had surrendered.61
1 Villages around Suva Reka like
Restan, Pecan, Slapuzane, Bukos, Semetishte, and Vranic were areas of KLA
activity in 1998 and 1999 and, therefore, the targets of government attacks,
many of them indiscriminate. Human Rights Watch visited Pecan in February
1999, for example, and observed that only seven of the villages approximately
300 houses were not damaged in some manner from the government's summer
offensive. In Slapuzane, where the OSCE-KVM had a small presence, 131 of
142 houses were damaged. For details on the September 1998 destruction
and killings in Vranic, see Human Rights Watch, Humanitarian
Law Violations in Kosovo, Appendix B.
2 According to the OSCE report, the
KLA had informed Albanians in the Suva Reka municipality of safe areas
where they could go, including: Budakovo (Budakove), Djinovce (Gjinofc),
Dubrava (Dubrave), Grejkovce (Grejkoc), Musutiste (Mushtishte), Papaz (Papaz),
Savrovo (Savrove), Selograzde (Sellograzde) and Sopina (Sopine).
3 Human Rights Watch interview with
Shkender Bytyqi, Suva Reka, Kosovo, August 24, 1999.
4 Human Rights Watch interview with
Haki Gashi, Suva Reka, Kosovo, August 24, 1999.
5 OSCE/ODIHR, Kosovo/Kosova:
As Seen, As Told, Part I, pp 361-370.
6 Remarks of Carla Del Ponte to the
U.N. Security Council, November 10, 1999, New York.
7 When first deployed in November
1998, the OSCE-KVM stayed in Miskovic's Hotel Boss. Later, the OSCE-KVM
stayed in private houses.
8
Policajac, February 1998. Lt. Vitosevic was
named by one witness who said he saw him in the village of Vranic the day
after a government offensive on September 27, 1998. During this offensive
in 1998, two witnesses identified the Suva Reka policeman Milan Sipka by
name. See Human Rights Watch, Humanitarian
Law Violations in Kosovo, Appendix B.
9 Not the survivor's real name.
10 The witness is a gynecologist.
11 None of the survivors' real names.
12 Human Rights Watch interview with
A.B., Prizren, Kosovo, August 25, 1998.
13 The OSCE report is slightly inaccurate
here since the boy was not the woman's son, and he was hit by grenade shrapnel
rather than by a bullet.
14 OSCE/ODIHR, Kosovo/Kosova:
As Seen, As Told, Part I, p. 363.
15 Ibid.
16 Human Rights Watch interview with
N.E., Suva Reka, Kosovo, August 31, 1999.
17 Human Rights Watch interview with
Z.E. Suva Reka, Kosovo, August 31, 1999.
18 Human Rights Watch interview with
K.E. Suva Reka, Kosovo, August 31, 1999.
19 Human Rights Watch interview with
R.H., Suva Reka, August 31, 1999.
20 For more details on Bardhyl's
story, including excerpts from his journal, see an article in the Berliner
Zeitung, Frank Nordhausen, "The Prisoner from
Suva Reka" ("Der Gefangene von Suva Reka"), June 29, 1999.
21 Human Rights Watch interview with
Bardhyl H., Suva Reka, Kosovo, August 31, 1999.
22 Human Rights Watch interview with
H.B., Kukes, Albania, April 12, 1999.
23 Human Rights Watch interview with
X.X., Kukes, Albania, May 22, 1999.
24 Ibid.
25 Human Rights Watch interview with
S. B., Kukes, Albania, April 4, 1999.
26 John Daniszewski, "The Death of
Belanica," Los Angeles Times,
April 25, 1999.
27 Human Rights Watch interview with
H.S. Kukes, Albania, May 18, 1999.
28 Human Rights Watch interview,
Kukes, Albania, April 4, 1999.
29 Human Rights Watch interview,
Kukes, Albania, April 4, 1999.
30 Human Rights Watch interview with
S. B., Kukes, Albania, April 4, 1999.
31 Human Rights Watch interview with
H.B., Kukes, Albania, April 4, 1999.
32 Human Rights Watch interview with
H.S., Kukes, Albania, May 18, 1999.
33 Ibid.
34 Human Rights Watch interview,
name withheld, Kukes, Albania, April 4, 1999.
35 Human Rights Watch interview with
S.Z., Belanica, Kosovo, August 15, 1999.
36 Human Rights Watch interview with
F.V., Moralija, Kosovo, August 20, 1999.
37 The two witnesses gave different
ages for Bekim Vrenezi, fifteen and sixteen respectively.
38 Human Rights Watch interview with
R.B., Moralija, Kosovo, August 20, 1999.
39 The only known names of the victims
are, according to witnesses: Osman Vrenezi (27), Bekim Vrenezi (15 or 16),
Agim Bytyqi (38-40), and Izet Hoxha (77).
40 John Daniszewski, "A Family, A
Village Begin Anew in Kosovo War," Los
Angeles Times, December 30, 1999.
41 Statement of Carla del Ponte to
the U.N. Security Council, November 10, 1999, New York.
42 Human Rights Watch interview with
I.Z., Belanica, Kosovo, August 19, 1999.
43 Ibid.
44 Human Rights Watch interview with
S.Z., Belanica, Kosovo, August 19, 1999.
45 The name of the village has been
withheld in order to protect the victims of sexual assault and rape who
live there.
46 OSCE/ODIHR, Kosovo/Kosova:
As Seen, As Told, Part I.
47 Human Rights Watch interview with
A.T., Suva Reka village, Kosovo, August 1, 1999.
48 According to the Serbian Ministry
of Internal Affairs website (www.mup.sr.gov.yu, (March 21, 2001)), the
wounded policemen were: Vlastimir Selenic (1971), Dejan Bajic (1976), Miodrag
Djikic (1971), Srdjan Ilic (1965), Miodrag Djukic (1971), Dejan Tosic (1972),
Sinisa Pejev (1960), Branislav Bozic (1969), Slavko Milic (1953), Danijel
Spasenov (age unknown), Miodrag Stevanovic (age unknown), Bratislav Stojkovic
(1961), Slavoljub Zivkovic (1970), Sasa Krstic (1969), Ljubisa Miljkovic
(1968), Dragan Pesic (1969), Slavisa Ivkovic (1964), Vukasin Jovanovic
(1963), and Dragan Medic (1970).
49 Human Rights Watch interview,
name withheld. Kukes, Albania, April 27, 1999.
50 Human Rights Watch interview,
name withheld. Kukes, Albania, April 27, 1999.
51 Human Rights Watch interview,
name withheld. Kukes, Albania, April 27, 1999.
52 Human Rights Watch interview,
name withheld. Kukes, Albania, April 27, 1999.
53 Human Rights Watch with Dr. Saeed
Albloushi, Kukes, Albania, April 27, 1999.
54 Statement of Carla Del Ponte to
the U.N. Security Council, November 10, 1999, New York.
55 The OSCE/ODHIR report, Kosovo/Kosova:
As Seen, As Told, Part I, p. 367, puts the death
toll, based on witness and hearsay statements at "around 40."
56 Human Rights Watch interview with
I.G., Trnje, Kosovo, August 29, 1999.
57 N.B. lost his wife, daughter-in-law,
and grandson in the March 25 attack.
58 Human Rights Watch inspected what
appeared to be a bullet wound in his hand.
59 Human Rights Watch interview with
N.B., Studencane, Kosovo, August 29, 1999.
60 Human Rights Watch interview with
B.G., Trnje, Kosovo, August 29, 1999.
61 Human Rights Watch interview with
N.B., Studencane, Kosovo, August 29, 1999.
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