Summary
New York City police arrest more people for possessing small amounts of marijuana in public view than for any other offense. Between 1996 and 2011, police made more than half-a-million (586,320) arrests for this misdemeanor, including a total of around 100,000 in just the 2 years of 2010 and 2011. Most arrests for plain-view marijuana possession occur in poor, predominantly minority neighborhoods. Arrestees are overwhelmingly black and Hispanic.
Neither New York City police nor Mayor Michael Bloomberg has ever provided a detailed justification for the high numbers of marijuana arrests, suggesting only that the arrests improve public safety. While the public safety benefits of many kinds of arrests are readily apparent, e.g. arrests of homicide suspects, the gains from arrests for possession of small amounts of marijuana are less easy to discern. A more complete justification is warranted not only because the arrests disproportionately affect black and Hispanic city residents, but also because the sheer number of marijuana possession arrests consumes many scarce and expensive law enforcement and judicial resources.
When the police arrest someone for misdemeanor marijuana possession, they enter fingerprints and other identifying information into criminal databases. Capturing this information might help police solve future serious crimes committed by the arrestees. Our data, however, indicates the police sweep large numbers of people into New York City’s criminal justice system—particularly young people of color—who do not subsequently engage in violent crime.
We tracked through mid-2011 the criminal records of nearly 30,000 people without prior criminal convictions who were arrested in 2003 and 2004 for marijuana possession. As shown in the figure below, we found that 3.1 percent of them were subsequently convicted of one violent felony offense during the six-and-a-half to eight-and-a-half years that our research covers; 0.4 percent had two or more violent felony convictions.[1] That is, 1,022 persons out of the nearly 30,000 we tracked had subsequent violent felony convictions. Ninety percent (26,315) had no subsequent felony convictions of any kind.
Curtailing crime—particularly violent or dangerous crime—is a legitimate and important public goal. But law enforcement efforts to enhance public safety by identifying those who engage in crime and holding them accountable through criminal prosecution, must be pursued through tactics that comply with human rights requirements. Respect for human rights requires that policing policy be grounded on objective evidence and criteria that are neither discriminatory nor arbitrary, and should not be unjustifiably restrictive or negatively impact rights in comparison to other policy options.
Allegations that police conduct marijuana possession arrests in an unlawful and arbitrary manner—without reasonable grounds to stop and frisk those they later arrest, and that they disproportionately arrest blacks and Hispanics for marijuana possession and other low-level crimes — are not only the subject of much controversy and litigation, but they also raise serious human rights concerns. Racial disparities in marijuana arrests do not automatically mean the police have engaged in racial discrimination that is prohibited under international human rights law. Unwarranted racial disparities, however, may constitute such discrimination even in the absence of racist intent. Human rights based concerns are thus heightened by the failure of the police to offer a detailed rationale for the marijuana policing policy, the objective criteria on which the arrests are based, and empirical evidence that they contribute to public safety.
An explanation is also warranted because the costs—both financial and social—of the marijuana arrests are substantial. Precious law enforcement resources are expended making, processing, and booking tens of thousands of marijuana possession arrests each year. Goodwill toward law enforcement may be eroded when substantial numbers of community residents are arrested or witness friends and relatives arrested for marijuana possession, especially when they believe the police had no basis for approaching them in the first place. This goodwill is especially important in high crime neighborhoods where relationships with community members are often vital for solving or preventing serious crimes and for gathering information to deal with persistent crime.[2]
Overworked prosecutors with more serious offenses in their caseloads demanding attention, equally overburdened public defenders charged with providing adequate defense to every accused person, and criminal court personnel (including judges, clerks, and court officers), all suffer under dockets swollen from the marijuana arrests along with the more than 200,000 other misdemeanor cases that flow through the city’s courts each year.[3]
Marijuana arrests also have significant implications for the tens of thousands of New York City residents who endure the discomfort and humiliation of being handcuffed, booked and searched, spending one or two days in police holding cells and central bookings, going through arraignment, and perhaps even being required to endure pretrial detention.[4] As Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance has stated, referring to people arrested for criminal possession of marijuana in public view, “The human cost to each one of these people and their families is serious and it is real.”[5]
Those who are convicted of marijuana possession also face the prospect of limited opportunities for employment, access to public housing, and other benefits, in addition to threatened child custody and immigration status. Indeed, people arrested for marijuana possession may suffer even if they are never convicted or if they have their cases dismissed because prospective employers, schools, and housing authorities often ask individuals about arrests. [6] As Assemblymember Hakeem Jeffries has said, “For years, thousands of New Yorkers, who are disproportionately Black and Latino youth, have been charged with unnecessary misdemeanors, thereby creating barriers for future employment … [and] permanent damage on their records.” [7]
In June 2012, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo introduced legislation to make possession of marijuana in public view a non-arrestable, non-criminal violation, like a parking ticket (smoking marijuana in public would remain a misdemeanor).[8] Although there was considerable support for the legislative effort, conservative opposition killed it. Significantly, however, Mayor Michael Bloomberg, the five district attorneys for New York City, and even the New York City police commissioner all supported the legislation.[9]Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance said the “new law will allow us to redirect resources away from processing people charged with simple low-level possession of marijuana, and use those valuable resources to fight violent crime to make all our communities safer, and thereby enhance public safety.”[10] Brooklyn District Attorney Charles Hynes said that the Cuomo proposal would “lead to a more efficient use of law enforcement resources.”[11] This support for classifying possession of marijuana in public view as a non-criminal violation heightens the need for an explanation from New York City officials for how ongoing marijuana possession misdemeanor arrests contribute to public safety.
[1]Individuals convicted of violent felonies may also have had nonviolent felony and/or misdemeanor convictions.
[2]In their statements supporting Governor Andrew M. Cuomo’s June 2012 proposal to make marijuana possession in public view a non-criminal violation instead of a misdemeanor, Assemblymember Hakeem Jeffries, Bronx District Attorney Robert T. Johnson, and Nassau County District Attorney Kathleen Rice all noted that the marijuana possession arrests have intensified tensions between law enforcement and community residents of high crime neighborhoods. “Governor Cuomo Announces Legislation to Bring Consistency and Fairness to the State’s Penal Law and Save Thousands of New Yorkers from Unnecessary Misdemeanor Charges,” Office of Governor Cuomo press release, June 4, 2012, http://www.governor.ny.gov/press/060412legislation (accessed October 29, 2012). See also, Jeffrey Fagan and Garth Davies, “Street Stops and Broken Windows: Terry, Race and Disorder in New York City,” Fordham Urban Law Journal, vol. 28(2000), p. 457; Eliot Spitzer, Civil Rights Bureau, “The New York City Police Department’s ‘Stop & Frisk’ Practices: A Report to the People of the State of New York From the Office of the Attorney General,” December 1, 1999, pp. 74-87; Tom Tyler and Jeffrey Fagan, “Legitimacy and Cooperation: Why Do People Help the Police Fight Crime in Their Communities?,” Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law, vol. 6(2008), http://moritzlaw.osu.edu/osjcl/Articles/Volume6_1/Tyler-Fagan-PDF.pdf (accessed October 16, 2012), p. 231.
[3] Criminal Court City of the City of New York, “Annual Report 2011,” http://www.courts.state.ny.us/courts/nyc/criminal/AnnualReport2011.pdf (accessed October 15, 2012), p. 26. Of the total of 354,797 arraignments in 2011, 50,458 were for felonies, 258,466 were for misdemeanors, and 45,873 were for violations or other offenses.
[4] Human Rights Watch, The Price of Freedom: Bail and Pretrial Detention of Low Income Nonfelony Defendants in New York City, December 3, 2010, http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/us1210webwcover_0.pdf; Gomez-Garcia et al. v. The New York City Police Department et al., New York State Supreme Court, Verified Complaint, filed June 21, 2012, http://www.legal-aid.org/media/157211/06222012_marijuana_complaint.pdf (accessed October 19, 2012).
[5] District Attorney Cyrus Vance, “DA Vance Testimony on Marijuana Law Reform,” hearing before the New York City Council Public Safety Committee, June 12, 2012, http://manhattanda.org/popup/speeches/node/2798 (accessed October 19, 2012).
[6] K. Babe Howell, "Broken Lives from Broken Windows: The Hidden Costs of Aggressive Order-Maintenance Policing," NYU Review of Law & Social Change, vol. 33(2009), p. 371; Testimony of The Legal Aid Society, “In Support of: Res. 986-A - Resolution Supporting the Governor’s Proposal to Amend the Penal Law to Make Possession of a Small Quantity of Marijuana in Public View a Violation, Applauding the Speaker of the Assembly for His Support of the Proposal, and Calling Upon the Senate to Pass Legislation enacting the Same,” public hearing before the New York City Council Public Safety Committee, http://www.legal-aid.org/media/157208/testimony_061212.pdf (accessed October 19, 2012); Human Rights Watch, No Second Chance: People with Criminal Records Denied Access to Public Housing, November 18, 2004, http://www.hrw.org/reports/2004/11/17/no-second-chance; Mosi Secret, “No Cause for Marijuana Case, But Enough for Child Neglect,” The New York Times, August 17, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/18/nyregion/parents-minor-marijuana-arrests-lead-to-child-neglect-cases.html?pagewanted=all (accessed October 17, 2012). In New York State and New York City various provisions forbid private and public employers from discrimination against an individual on the basis of an arrest that did not terminate in a conviction, or on the basis of a criminal conviction unless there is a direct relationship between the conviction and the employment being sought or if the employment would pose an unreasonable risk (New York Executive Law § 296(16); New York City Administrative Code § 8-107(11); New York Corrections Law Article 23-A, § 752). Clearly as a practical matter it is difficult to prove such discrimination if employers nonetheless ask about prior arrests, even if such arrests do not show up on an official criminal justice history report. Many other states do not offer such statutory protection.
[7] Assemblymember Hakeem Jeffries, in “Governor Cuomo Announces Legislation to Bring Consistency and Fairness to the State’s Penal Law and Save Thousands of New Yorkers from Unnecessary Misdemeanor Charges,” Office of Governor Cuomo press release, June 4, 2012, http://www.governor.ny.gov/press/060412legislation.
[8] An overview of reactions to the proposed legislation by New York City legislation is available at David King, “Reactions to Cuomo’s Marijuana Bill,” Gotham Gazette, June 4, 2012, http://www.gothamgazette.com/blogs/wonkster/2012/06/04/reaction-to-cuomos-marijuana-bill (accessed October 29, 2012).
[9]“Governor Cuomo Announces Legislation to Bring Consistency and Fairness to the State’s Penal Law and Save Thousands of New Yorkers from Unnecessary Misdemeanor Charges,” Office of Governor Cuomo press release, June 4, 2012, http://www.governor.ny.gov/press/060412legislation.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid.







