December 19, 2010

VI. Bethlehem District


Jubbet al-Dhib

Jubbet al-Dhib is located in a semi-arid area 17 kilometers southeast of the Palestinian city of Bethlehem, and falls within Area C.[279] The village, which has 160 inhabitants, comprises roughly 40 dunams (or 4 hectares), residents told Human Rights Watch.[280] Jubbet al-Dhib is located near the settlements of Teqoa (1635 residents as of 2008) and Nokdim (886 residents as of 2008), the latter being home to Israel’s minister of foreign affairs, Avigdor Lieberman—head of the far right Yisrael Beitenu (Israel is Our Home) party.[281] The village is 350 meters from the settlement of Sde Bar, also known as Yossi Farms, which like Jubbet al-Dhib lies at the base of an imposing, conical archeological site known as Herodion.[282] According to its website, Sde Bar was founded in 1998 as a youth village for boys-at-risk. It houses between 40 and 70 boys, from 13 to 18 years-of-age, who study, work in agriculture, and receive professional counseling; some choose to live at Sde Bar after completing their courses.[283]

The Israel Civil Administration refuses to allow the village to connect to the electricity grid (to which all recognized settlements, as well as many unrecognized outposts, are connected). Villagers told Human Rights Watch that they filed their first application with Israeli authorities for an electricity connection in 1988, but have been repeatedly denied for the past 20 years.[284] According to Hamza al-Wahsh, then-head of Jubbet al-Dhib village council, the community has requested to be connected to the electricity network six times since 2000, “and each time it took six months for them to give us a negative reply.”[285] (According to OCHA, the only available electricity network for the village to connect to is operated by the Jerusalem Water and Electricity Undertaking. There are no Palestinian networks in the area that could connect to the village.[286] Even if there were, the village would still require Israeli approval to connect to it, because the village lies in Area C, over which Israel exercises full control of planning and building).

The Israeli Civil Administration refused to grant the required permits to connect the village to the electricity grid on the grounds the village lacked an approved master plan. The authorities also rejected the master plans the village submitted for approval. Most recently, in August 2009, the Civil Administration rejected a master plan for the village created by the Applied Research Institution of Jerusalem (ARIJ), an NGO based in Bethlehem.

The lack of electricity significantly restricts villagers’ lives. When Human Rights Watch visited Jubbet al-Dhib in November 2009, the sun began to set at around 4:30 p.m. The children in the village did their homework by candlelight, and residents gathered in the one house that had a working generator. The village owns three small generators, but its residents cannot easily afford the price of gasoline required to operate them, and they work only sporadically, for about two hours per day.

The lights from the fully electrified nearby settlements of Nokdim, Teqoa, and their various outposts, including the adjacent Sde Bar farms, were visible from Jubbet al-Dhib and encircled it to the south and west.

The lack of electricity also makes it difficult to keep food fresh. The owner of a small store that sells canned foods—a small grants project funded by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)—told Human Rights Watch that any meat or milk in the village must be eaten the same day, and that the residents often resort to eating preserved foods.[287]

In mid-2009, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Small Grants Project funded a project of solar panels for the village. The project would have built eight solar-powered streetlights and installed a solar panel on the roof of the village’s small mosque, so that these public areas would be lit. Engineers from the Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem (ARIJ) implemented the project. Ahmad Ali Ghayyadah, an electrical engineer who oversaw the project for ARIJ, told Human Rights Watch that his team had begun laying the foundations for the solar lamp-poles on May 6, 2009.[288] Within days, he said, villagers received an oral warning from the Israeli Civil Administration to stop work and remove any work that had been completed because it lacked a construction permit. On June 24, UNDP sent a letter notifying the village council that it could not fund projects in Area C that were constructed without prior Israeli approval, and requested that the villagers remove and store any electricity poles that had already been erected, in order to help facilitate UNDP’s efforts to obtain the required permits at a subsequent meeting with the Israeli authorities.[289] Given the lack of external support for the project and the likelihood that Israeli authorities would demolish any further construction as well as impose a fine, the village has not pursued the project.[290] Human Rights Watch observed several street light pole bases in Jubbet al-Dhib.

When Human Rights Watch visited Jubbet al-Dhib on November 18, 2010, residents said that one week previously the PA had donated three generators, which were placed inside an existing home to avoid the need to obtain construction permits from the Israeli Civil Administration. The generator system was not yet operating but the PA planned to connect most homes in the village to it in order to provide electricity for seven hours daily (three hours in the morning and four at night), and had promised to provide fuel in alternate months to operate the generators. According to several villagers the amount of electricity would not be adequate to operate refrigerators.[291] Amr al-Wahsh said villagers were anxious that they would be unable to afford the cost of fuel to keep the generator running during the months when the PA did not provide fuel.

Hamza al-Wahsh told Human Rights Watch that the Civil Administration had approved the village’s request to be connected to the water network. “Beit Il [a military base near Ramallah that is the seat of the Civil Administration in the West Bank] lets us have water from Mekorot,” he said, referring to the Israeli water company.[292] According to the Palestinian Hydrology Group, the community was connected to the water network at the beginning of 2004.[293] In February 2010, according to OCHA and other reports, archaeological excavations at Herodion completely cut off the village’s water supply for three weeks. It was eventually restored after Israeli authorities granted a request by the ICRC to repair the village’s water line.[294]

The Israeli Civil Administration has the authority to grant or refuse necessary permits for any construction projects that could improve life in the village. It has not approved the paving of the road that leads to the village from the main road. Residents cannot afford to purchase a vehicle capable of traveling the rough road, and have to walk 1.5 kilometers to reach the main road. There is no health clinic in the village, and residents requiring emergency medical care must take the dirt path to the main road. A media report described the difficult journey faced by one village resident, Yasser Khamis, 37, who suffered a heart attack in 2009 and had to be carried on the dirt road to a nearby village to see a doctor.[295] Residents said they had not asked the Civil Administration for approval to build a health clinic in the village, since such a request would be denied without an approved village plan, and since the need for a clinic in the village was primarily the result of the lack of a paved access road to reach other medical services.[296]

There is also no school in the village apart from a kindergarten that one resident operates out of her home. The village’s children—approximately 75 residents of Jubbet al-Dhib are under 18—must attend three different schools in the area, the closest being a mixed primary school for 30 boys and girls around a kilometer away. Children in grade 8 and above attended two different schools between 2 and 3 kilometers away; they went on foot. According to al-Wahsh, “It takes around 45 minutes for the kids to walk there, but in the winter, they often have to miss school,” because walking through the muddy roads becomes too difficult.[297] The village master-plan prepared by ARIJ and rejected by the Civil Administration included a pre-school and a request for paved access roads.[298]

Villagers told Human Rights Watch that Israeli authorities had carried out demolitions and issued orders threatening other demolitions. Khamis al-Wahsh said, “There’s an ICRC project to supply irrigation tubes on land where they demolished my house in 2007. There were six people living here; it was a five-year-old house. Next door the house has a stop construction order against it.” Hamza al-Wahsh told Human Rights Watch that the lack of building permits for new homes had forced five families to leave Jubbet al-Dhib in the last five years.[299]

The conditions in nearby settlements, and the infrastructure and services they receive from the Israeli government, stand in stark contrast to conditions in Jubbet al-Dhib. Sde Bar works under the supervision of the “youth protection agency” in the Israeli Welfare Ministry and operates a high school supervised by the Ministry of Education.[300] Sde Bar also receives funding from US tax-exempt charitable organizations, including Christian Friends of Israeli Communities (CFOIC), which supports Jewish settlers’ “conviction that [the Land of Israel] is their land” despite “the protests of their Arab neighbors.”[301] However, residents of Jubbet al-Dhib are ineligible to attend the educational programs that the Israeli government and foreign donors sponsor, due in part to military orders requiring Palestinians to obtain special security permits to enter settlements for work and not educational purposes.

As noted, under Israeli civil planning laws applied in the West Bank, construction without a permit is illegal and subject to demolition. Israel’s enforcement of these regulations appears to be more lenient in the case of Sde Bar. Based on Geographical Information System (GIS) mapping information – aerial photography overlaid with official zoning plans, which was obtained by the Israeli human rights group, Yesh Din through Freedom of Information Act requests to the Civil Administration – construction began on the Sde Bar outpost in 1996-97, but the outpost was not granted an approved master plan until 2003-4.[302] This means that the Israeli authorities recognized and legalized the outpost’s construction retroactively, a gesture that is never extended to Palestinian communities.

Other nearby settlements have benefited from millions of dollars in assistance from the Israeli government. Most notably, the construction of a large bypass road, called Road 356 or the Za’atra bypass, which opened in August 2007 -- after Palestinian attacks had killed several settlers from Nokdim during the second intifada – provides settlers from Tequoa and Nokdim with a direct, 15-minute commute to Jerusalem. The highway is known as the “Lieberman road” for the Israeli foreign minister, who was formerly the transportation minister responsible for road building and maintenance in Israel and the West Bank; he has lived in Nokdim for years. It is open to Palestinian vehicles for only some portions of its length.[303]According to Haaretz, the 15 kilometer-long bypass road was the longest of four bypass roads whose combined cost was NIS 250 million (US$66 million) in 2002-2003 alone.[304] Palestinians can travel on part of the bypass road, but because the road bypasses most Palestinian communities in order to connect directly to Jerusalem, which West Bank Palestinians can only access if they hold special permits, the road is of limited benefit. USAID has sponsored a number of other road projects intended to benefit Palestinians, including the provision of alternative roads in areas where Israel’s imposition of travel restrictions like checkpoints for the protection of settlers have prevented Palestinians from accessing road networks they had used previously.[305]

The rationale behind such differential policies—vast resource expenditures for settlers and prohibitions on construction by Palestinians—has never been explained by the Israeli authorities. It is difficult to see how such policies could be necessary, proportionate or otherwise justifiable under international law. Tuli Sheinfeld, the secretary of the settlement of Nokdim, told Israel’s Army Radio on December 10, 2009, that, “The importance of Nokdim and Tekoa is that they buttress Jerusalem. Just like [the settlements of] Pisgat Zeev and Givat Zeev do from the north and the east, the western and eastern Etzion [settlement] Blocs complete this circle and provide a populated rear to Jerusalem.”[306] Notwithstanding the settlements’ illegality, this rationale does not explain or justify Israel’s refusal to provide similar services to Palestinians as it does to settlers and its denial of Palestinians’ requests for permits and basic services.


The village of Nahalin, to the west of Bethlehem, has been encircled by a group of 12 settlements known as Gush Etzion (the Etzion Bloc). Approximately 7,000 Palestinians live in the village, which has been populated for thousands of years and contains an ancient olive-press. [307]The PA has jurisdiction over planning and construction in Nahalin’s built-up residential area of roughly 100 hectares, which was designated as Area B by the Oslo agreements. But Nahalin’s 600 hectares of agricultural lands are in Area C, under full Israeli control. Village residents say it is impossible to get Israeli permits to build homes outside the built-up area, and that they are running out of land on which to build. Villagers report receiving “stop-work” orders from Israeli authorities that have prevented them from working on agricultural projects such as planting olive trees or building stone walls, and say sewage from a settlement neighborhood has contaminated agricultural land and a spring.

The ultra-orthodox settlement of Beitar Ilit, established in 1985, overlooks Nahalin from a hilltop to the west.[308] As of 2009, it had approximately 37,000 residents—up from fewer than 1,000 in 1990, according to the New YorkTimes, making it both one of the largest and fastest growing settlements.[309] Its rapid growth is due in part to the high birthrate of Israel’s ultra-orthodox Jewish community, but it is especially due to migration from Israel, including West Jerusalem, and other countries.[310] Beitar Ilit was officially established as a settlement in 1985. Like all other settlements (with the exception of some settlements in East Jerusalem, where some Palestinians with Jerusalem residency permits have rented apartments from Jewish owners), it has no Palestinian residents.[311]

Nahalin is surrounded by numerous other settlements and outposts, including Rosh Tzurim, established in 1969, with 470 residents as of 2007, and Naveh Daniel, established in 1982, with 1760 residents as of 2007.

An outpost associated with Naveh Daniel, 1.2 kilometers to the north, is called Naveh Daniel North (or Sde Boaz, or Mitzpe Hananel), and was established illegally in June 2002, with 18 persons living in 13 trailers and two permanent structures on the site.[312] According to Israeli government reports, the government did not approve construction at the outpost, which lies beyond the official jurisdictional area of the Gush Etzion Regional Council. Nonetheless, as of 2005, the Ministry of Housing and Construction financed the establishment of infrastructure in the amount of NIS 200,000 (US$53,000); the outpost is accessible by road and connected to the water network, and the IDF approved the construction of street lamps on the site.

Another nearby settlement, Alon Shvut, was established in 1984 as a “Nahal” settlement—the name given to military service allowing Israelis to combine regular military duties with establishing or strengthening settlements. In 1997, settlers established Gva’ot, which is officially a “neighborhood” of Alon Shvut, and opened a “Hesder Yeshiva” which combines religious education for boys with military training. As of 2007, 11 families lived in Gv’aot.

Ali Hammad Fanoun, head of Nahalin’s land defense association, a community-based organization that documents and challenges Israeli land expropriations, told Human Rights Watch that Beitar Ilit and other nearby settlements were built on land belonging to Nahalin villagers.

My own family began to lose land to the settlements of Beitar Ilit and Geva’ot in the 1980s. Most recently in 2003 they began confiscations of land on the west side of the village, near Ain Fares. The total amount of Nahalin land the settlements took over near Geva’ot this time was around 150 dunams, including 7 dunams of my family’s land. They cut the trees, destroyed the stone walls, and called it state land, even though I showed records of my family paying taxes to the Ottomans, the British and the Jordanians.

According to Israeli court rulings, Palestinians may not present as evidence of land ownership the fact that they paid taxes on land, in cases where the Israeli state claims ownership of the property as state land (see “Background”).

Fanoun showed Human Rights Watch a map from the British Mandate period which included Nahalin as a subdistrict of Jerusalem and indicated that the village’s lands included eight “blocks,” which Fanoun said covered 17,000 dunams of land. “Today there’s only one block left [of the original eight] and a few little pieces of some of the adjoining blocks,” said Fanoun. Some of the villagers sold their lands to Jewish owners before the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948. According to Fanoun, this occurred in 1942-45, when “Hanna Milada, the former mayor of Bethlehem, bought 1000 dunams of Nahalin land and sold it to Jewish immigrants.” However, he added, “more was taken when the Israelis started to confiscate land from the village in 1974.”[313]

The 1995 Oslo agreement designated only the area of Nahalin that was already built up as Area B, where the PA has the authority to grant building permits. Lands outside these limits, including immediately adjacent to them, were designated as Area C, where Israeli building restrictions apply, and it is virtually impossible for Nahalin residents to obtain building permits. These restrictions have effectively prevented Nahalin from expanding for 15 years, providing no space to accommodate the natural growth of the population and their need for new housing; since 1995, the Palestinian West Bank population increased by about 50 percent, according to the World Bank.[314] By contrast, Israel has sought to justify expanding the built-up areas of settlements by claiming that the “natural growth” of existing settler populations required more housing; in fact, as Peace Now and other rights groups have noted, based on Israeli government statistics, a significant proportion of settlement population growth (37 percent in 2007) results from Jewish immigration to settlements.[315] Having lost land to surrounding settlements, Nahalin is running out of room to build housing, according to Mohammad Jayadda, who until mid-2009 was head of Nahalin village council:

Nahalin has 7,000 inhabitants and 7,000 dunams, but we are allowed to build in only 1000 dunams [of the built-up area, considered Area B]. It’s turning into a refugee camp, not a village. Since there’s no permission to build in Area C we have to build up [multistory buildings] in Area B. But our water and sewage infrastructure isn’t adequate to serve buildings higher than four stories.[316]

Jayadda said that he knew of five houses that Israeli authorities had destroyed for being built outside the permitted built-up zone. “The last one was [demolished] in 1998; it was on a road a block out of town. Now, 15 houses have demolition orders,” Jayadda said; Human Rights Watch viewed a number of Israeli military orders that Jayadda had filed.[317]

In addition to Israeli prohibitions on building homes without hard-to-obtain permits on Nahalin lands designated as Area C, villagers said that Israeli restrictions had badly harmed their ability to improve and, in some cases, even maintain their agricultural lands. Jayadda recalled that villagers once tried to open a road from the village to an agricultural area, but because the road fell inside Area C, “they confiscated the road-making machine.” Jayadda provided Human Rights Watch with several examples of orders for land owned by a villager that lies in Area C outside the village itself. One such order read,

Order No. 0487, January 28, 2009: You must restore the land to the state it was in before you added 200 trees and a fence. You may appeal this order to the Military Appeals Committee in Ofra.

Ahmad Ali Ghayyadah, an electrical engineer who lives in Nahalin, showed Human Rights Watch plans obtained from the Israeli Civil Administration indicating that high-voltage electricity pillars would be erected outside the village, to provide additional electricity to the settlements and re-route an existing electricity line that passes directly over Nahalin. In several cases, Israeli authorities issued military orders against villagers who had been working to improve their agricultural lands, in areas that Ghayyadah later identified as being along the route of the planned electricity pillars. He feared that in addition to confiscating land for building the pylons themselves, it would become increasingly difficult or impossible for them to access farmland near the electricity lines. “If they cut us off from our lands near the electric lines and don’t give us access to the lands on the far side of them, we’ll only have 3,000 dunams of farmland left,” Ghayyadah said.[318]

Human Rights Watch observed a high voltage power line running directly over the Dukur Nahalin secondary school and the Umm al-Shuhada primary school, inside the built-up area of Nahalin. The power line provided power to the settlements but the village was not able to access it, Ghayyadah said. Human Rights Watch also observed the power line serving Nahalin, which ran along pylons inside the village limits but was buried along the side of the village’s access road “at the point where it crosses from [Area] B into C,” Ghayyadah said.[319]

Fanoun complained that settlers have also destroyed agricultural lands without adequate penalties being imposed. “I’ve gone to the police many times” on behalf of himself and other villagers, he said. In 1995 and repeatedly afterwards, settlers “demolished 200 dunams [20 hectares] of trees that were then replanted around four kilometers south of Nahalin towards Giva’ot. We call it the Marah Bint Eissa area. Since 2003 I’ve had to go every year to complain” about settlers’ destruction of olive trees in the area, but the destruction continued, he said. He knew of one or two cases where police did intercede to prevent settlers from destroying olive trees after being alerted, although this normally took several hours, but was not aware of cases where settlers were prosecuted. Impunity appears to be common. Since 2005, for example, Yesh Din, an Israeli NGO, has monitored 97 cases of complaints filed to police by Palestinians who said settlers had destroyed their olive trees; police had not filed a single indictment in over five years.[320]

Settlers have destroyed an unknown number of Palestinian-owned olive trees in attacks that became common during the second intifada, by setting fire to olive groves or cutting or tearing down trees. In one such attack in 2002, settlers burned and destroyed some 2000 olive trees in groves belonging to villagers from Silwad and al-Misra’ al-Sharqiya, east of Ramallah.[321] According to the Israeli human rights group Yesh Din, which monitored a selection of cases from 2005 to 2009, Israeli police did not file a single indictment in 69 cases where Palestinian complained settlers had destroyed thousands of olive trees.[322] In some cases, settlers destroy olive trees in retaliation for Israeli law-enforcement measures against other settlers, an informal policy known as the “price tag.”[323] In contrast, human rights organizations, the UN, and media have frequently reported on excessively harsh measures taken by the Israeli military and the paramilitary Border Police against Palestinians in response to attacks against settlements or settlers.[324]

Nahalin residents told Human Rights Watch that since 2000, sewage from Beitar Illit had contaminated an agricultural area at the bottom of a valley south of the village. The sewage runoff from a recently developed area of the settlement had killed olive trees and contaminated a spring, known as Ein Fares, which used to be a source of water for Nahalin residents’ sheep. Jayyada said the sewage runoff was a “weekly, or sometimes daily” event, and had harmed the village’s reputation as an agricultural producer.

We used to sell grapes, eggplants, cabbages, onions, and other vegetables to Bethlehem and Jerusalem, and many people worked in agriculture. But then word got around that the area had been polluted and they wouldn’t buy our food anymore.

Jayyada said that his own family, like many other families in the village, owned small plots of land around the spring. “We had three small plots that we can’t use now, one beside the spring that’s polluted, one 500 meters away that’s full of wastewater where all the grapes died, and one near Beitar Ilit that was confiscated for the settlement’s electrical lines.”[325]

Human Rights Watch observed the land around Ein Fares in late 2009. A water tank at the site of the spring was full of algae and lay directly beneath the route of the runoff from the settlement, which was clearly visible, although no waste water flowed at the time. A farmer cultivating land around the spring, Mahmoud Ghayda, 24, said that “when they open the sewage down the hill it smells so bad you can’t stand it. It happens once a week.”[326] Ghayda said he had replanted trees three times on one plot of land before giving up because the sewage kept killing them. He said that he had replanted vines on another plot a year earlier, but that they had all died again:

There are six dead olive trees, and dead grape vines. We used to plant more grapes around here but the trees are stronger, to survive against the sewage.

[279]The name of the village is often transliterated as “Jubbet adh-Dhib.”

[280]Human Rights Watch interview with Khamis al Wahsh, Jubbet al-Dhib, November 22, 2009.

[281]All demographic data on Israeli settlement population derives from the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, (accessed April 12, 2010)

[282]King Herod reputedly built a fortress on top of the site in 24 C.E.

[283] See: Sde Bar Website, (accessed April 21, 2010). Other outposts in the area include Kfar Eldad (1994), Ma’ale Rehavam (2001), Teqoa B&C (2001), and Teqoa D (2002).

[284]Human Rights Watch is not aware of the Israeli authorities’ initial grounds for refusal.

[285]Human Rights Watch interview with Hamza al-Wahsh, Jubbet al-Dhib, November 22, 2009.

[286]Human Rights Watch telephone interview with OCHA office, Hebron, April 28, 2010.

[287]Human Rights Watch interview with Salama al-Wahsh, Jubbet al-Dhib, November 22, 2009.

[288] Human Rights Watch interview with Ahmad Ali Ghayyadah, Bethlehem, November 11, 2009.

[289] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with OCHA office, Hebron, April 28, 2010. OCHA had a copy of the letter from UNDP.

[290]Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem, “Israeli Authorities Refuse Laying the Authorization for a Solar Energy Project to Light the Streets of Palestinian Village Jubbet adh-Dhib,” November 1, 2009,, (accessed April 21, 2010).

[291]Human Rights Watch interviews with Hamza al-Wahsh and Amar al-Wahsh, Jubbet al-Dhib, November 18, 2010.

[292] Human Rights Watch interview with Hamza al-Wahsh, Jubbet al-Dhib, November 22, 2009.

[293]Palestinian Hydrology Group, “Water and Sanitation, Hygiene (WaSH) Monitoring Project: Impact of the Current Crisis in the West Bank and Gaza Strip,” 16 Jan-15 Feb 2005, p. 13,$File/wash-opt-15feb.pdf (accessed April 21, 2010).

[294] Human Rights Watch telephone interview with OCHA office, Hebron, April 28, 2010.

[295] Arabic Media Internet Network, March 9, 2010, "جبة الذيب": قرية نسيها الزمان والسلطان, (accessed May 3, 2010).

[296]Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Amr al-Wahsh, Jubbet al-Dhib, October 28, 2010.

[297]Human Rights Watch interview with Khamis al-Wahsh, Jubbet al-Dhib, November 22, 2009.

[298]Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Amr al-Wahsh, Jubbet al-Dhib, October 28, 2010.

[299]Human Rights Watch interview with Hamza al-Wahsh, Jubbet al-Dhib, November 22, 2009.

[300]Youth Protection Authority (branch of Department of Welfare), “Sde Bar Farm,” (accessed April 21, 2010).

[301]CFOIC, “The Settlement Movement,” (accessed November 30, 2010). According to CFOIC, which is registered in Colorado, “The residents [of Sde Bar] spend hours hiking in the surrounding hills, building a strong emotional link with the land of their forefathers … Sde Bar’s success rate has resulted in more and more referrals by government and social service agencies.” “A Day’s Work in Sde Bar,” CFOIC, fundraising pamphlet, no date, (accessed April 21, 2010). CFOIC reported to the IRS that in 2008 it had “benefited 50,000 people from Judea and Samaria and the refugees of Gush Katif,” referring to settlers in the West Bank and former settlers from Gaza. Form 990, 2008, (accessed July 13, 2010).

[302] Human Rights Watch interview with Dror Etkes, Yesh Din’s Lands Project Coordinator, Jerusalem, December 21, 2009. GIS data obtained by Yesh Din from Israel is on file with Human Rights Watch.

[303]Nate Wright, “Bypassing Bethlehem’s Eastern Reaches,” October 7, 2008, MERIP, (accessed July 21, 2010).

[304]Moti Bassok and Anat Georgi, “Roads / Paved with gold,” September 25, 2003, Haaretz, (accessed July 23, 2010).

[305]See, e.g., Akiva Eldar, “US taxpayers are paying for Israel’s West Bank occupation,” Haaretz, November 16, 2010 (noting that USAID had paved 63 kilometers of roads in the West Bank in 2009), (accessed November 17, 2010).

[306]Cited by Peace Now, “Articles on settlements included as ‘high priority areas,’” December 13, 2009, (accessed July 25, 2010).

[307]According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics Nahalin had 6,827 residents as of 2007.

[308]Information about Gush Etzion settlements and outposts is drawn from two official Israeli sources: the Sasson report (2005) and the Spiegel database (2004).

[309]Ethan Bronner and Isabel Kershner, “In West Bank Settlements, Signs of Hope for a Deal,” New York Times, July 26, 2009, (accessed July 25, 2010).

[311]See Ir Amim and Bimkom, “Jerusalem: An Open City?”, June 2010, p. 6.

[312] Israel considers the outpost of Nave Daniel North to be built on “survey lands” over which it has yet to determine ownership (by Israel or by Palestinians), but did not approve any construction there.

[313]Human Rights Watch interview with Ali Hammad Fanoun, Nahalin, November 22, 2009.

[314]World Bank, Water Sector Development, p. 13.

[315]Akiva Eldar, “Peace Now: ‘Natural growth’ – Israel’s trick for West Bank expansion,” Haaretz, May 17, 2009, (accessed July 22, 2010).

[316]Human Rights Watch interview with Mohammed Jayadda, Nahalin, November 22, 2009.

[317] Photos of some eviction orders on file with Human Rights Watch. See also ARIJ, “Israeli Military Orders” (select “Bethlehem” district and “Nahhalin” locality), (accessed October 2, 2010).

[318]Human Rights Watch interview with Ahmed Ghayyadah, Nahalin, November 22, 2009.

[319]Human Rights Watch interview with Ahmed Ghayyadah, Nahalin, November 22, 2009.

[320]See Yesh Din, “Police Investigation of vandalization of Palestinian trees in the West Bank,” October 2010.

[321] OCHA, “Humananitarian Update: Occupied Palestinian Territory, 1 – 31 October, 2002,” p.3, (accessed August 11, 2010).

[322]Yesh Din, “Police investigation of vandalization of Palestinian trees in the West Bank,” November 5, 2009, (accessed July 20, 2010).

[323]See, e.g., James Hider, “West Bank settlers use ‘price tag’ tactic to punish Palestinians,” The London Times, October 15, 2009, (accessed July 20, 2010).

[324]See, e.g., reports that Israeli security forces have used excessive force in response to protests against the separation barrier, and have detained Palestinian children during night raids for allegedly throwing stones at settlers and threatened or abused the children in detention. B’Tselem, “Military police to investigate killing of Bi’lin demonstrator from firing of tear-gas canister 15 months ago,” July 12, 2010, (accessed November 30, 2010); B’Tselem, “Children as young as 12 arrested in night raids in Silwan, East Jerusalem,” February 16, 2010, (accessed November 30, 2010).

[325] Human Rights Watch interview with Ahmed Ghayyada, Nahalin, November 22, 2009.

[326]Human Rights Watch interview with Mohamed Ghayda, Nahalin, November 22, 2009.