II. The Shia under Saudi Rule
The population of Saudi Arabia is overwhelmingly Sunni Muslim, and Wahhabism is the official religion of the kingdom. Adherents of the Twelver Shia creed in the kingdom live predominantly in the Eastern Province, and in Medina, home to the so-called Nakhawila.
Wahhabi dominance dates back more than two-and-a-half centuries. In 1744 the itinerant and modernizing preacher Muhammad bin Abd al-Wahhab found refuge near today's Riyadh with local chief Muhammad bin Sa'ud. They agreed to make common cause, with Abd al-Wahhab giving the ruler religious legitimacy, especially to expand his realm, and Ibn Sa'ud granting Abd al-Wahhab freedom to rid the inhabitants of what he saw as centuries of sinful innovations and to return them to the path of true Islam. By 1792 the Saudis had conquered the traditionally Shia areas of Qatif and Ahsa', which they periodically contested with the Ottomans for over a century thereafter. In 1913 the Ottomans handed over the region to advancing troops of Abd al-'Aziz bin Sa'ud, the founder of the modern kingdom. King Abd al-'Aziz (who died in 1953) according to historians "despised the Shiites," but found himself caught between giving in to "the hatred that the Wahhabi 'ulama' have consistently shown toward Shiism," and the realities of the Shiite areas' high population not being easily subdued without large numbers of troops, and the benefits of taxing Shia financial resources for Saudi expansionism, in addition to the need to accommodate international diplomacy, especially British interests in the Gulf.[1] Nevertheless, the new Saudi state initially allowed "Wahhabi zealots [to] implement ... a repressive religious policy" toward the Shia,[2] including demands of forced conversion.[3]When conflict arose between the Wahhabi zealous fighting force, the Ikhwan, and the king, the Ikhwan were crushed and disbanded in 1930, and repression of the Shia eased.[4]
Following the discovery of oil in the 1930s in what is now the Eastern Province, and the inclusion of Shia among employees of ARAMCO, the Saudi oil company, the focus of Shia demands shifted toward greater rights for workers and greater infrastructure investment in their areas.[5] These demands were at the heart of Shiite protests in the "intifada of 1400," a local uprising during ceremonies marking `Ashura' (a major Shia holiday) in 1979,[6] in which some Saudi Shia went further, voicing demands for independence.[7] The 1979 Islamic revolution in Shia-dominated Iran both emboldened Saudi Shia (their public celebration of `Ashura' that year being one example), and contributed to the Saudi government increasing support for propagating Sunni Islamic messages in public and in the education system.[8] These messages followed the Saudi Wahhabi interpretation of Islam, which frequently portrays Shia as unbelievers.[9]
An incident of violence occurred during the Muslim annual pilgrimage to Mekka in 1987, when Iranian and Saudi Shia pilgrims staged a demonstration against US and Israeli policies which turned violent and resulted in the deaths of 400 pilgrims.[10]
In the 1980s some Saudi Shia emigrated to escape growing repression at home and expressed their views, including criticisms of the government, through the publication of books and magazines.[11] In 1993 the Saudi government came to an understanding with representatives of the émigré Shia opposition whereby they would cease their publications, return to the kingdom, and become a loyal constituency. In return, the authorities promised to release political prisoners, lift travel bans on activists, curb anti-Shia teachings in the educational system, and work toward greater equality between Shia and Sunnis, especially in employment. Some Shia activists did return, but others remained abroad because they were distrustful that the government would honor its promises or because the compromise did not go far enough in their eyes. The government released some political prisoners and lifted travel bans, but made no discernible progress toward curbing intolerant statements and discrimination.[12]
In 1995 the Saudi government arrested a large number of Shia in the Eastern Province on suspicion of involvement in the unrest taking place in neighboring Bahrain, whose population is majority Shia but whose government is Sunni-dominated.[13] Saudi authorities again arrested scores of Eastern Province Shia following the Khobar bombings in June 1996, which killed 19 US soldiers. Authorities continue to hold nine Shia without trial in connection with the bombings following their arrests between 1996 and 1999.[14]
Since 2006, tensions between Shia and Sunni Saudis have increased, fuelled in part by developments in Iraq and the perceived growth of Iranian influence in the region.[15] During the war between Israel and Lebanon's Hezbollah in July and August 2006, the government suppressed demonstrations by Sunnis as well as Shia in solidarity with Lebanon's Shia, and arrested Shia in the Eastern Province who put pictures or symbols of Hezbollah and Hassan Nasrallah, its leader, in their cars or on their mobile phones.[16] Following the appearance of a video showing the execution of deposed president Saddam Hussein of Iraq in December 2006, with officials of the Shia-led Iraqi government taunting Saddam, media reports suggest some Sunnis in Saudi Arabia blamed the Shia in general, including Saudi Shia, for oppressing Iraqi Sunnis.[17]
Before external factors increased domestic tension between Sunnis and Shia in Saudi Arabia, the authorities had taken some measures to promote respect for the Shia religious minority. Then-Crown Prince Abdullah in 2003 began a series of National Dialogues, which brought together for the first time leading Saudi Shia and Sunni religious figures. Furthermore, the authorities since 2005 eased the prohibition on festivities surrounding Ashura, allowing more public processions in Qatif (see also chapter III). Between February and April 2005 the authorities conducted municipal elections to half the seats of municipal councils, the first elections in most parts of the kingdom, and did not interfere when Shia won all six contested seats in Qatif, and five out of six in Ahsa'.[18]
Nevertheless, respect by many Saudi Sunnis for Shia identity and tolerance of their religious beliefs remains a distant goal. Saudi religious shaikhs have issued edicts suggesting Sunnis avoid greeting Shia, or eating with them.[19]
Even attempts to bridge Sunni-Shia divides sometimes face government sanction. In November 2006 the government pressured Shia religious scholars to disband a group they had formed to attempt, together with the national astronomical society, to unify diverse theological methods to detect the arrival of the new moon. The Islamic calendar is based on the lunar year, and differences over dating the new moon, which heralds the start of religious holidays, is a matter of frequent Sunni-Shia contention.[20] On February 4, 2007, the Saudi secret police arrested Mukhlif bin Dahham al-Shammari, a Sunni human rights activist working toward greater Shia-Sunni understanding, and detained him for three months for having visited Shaikh Hasan al-Saffar, the top Shia cleric in Saudi Arabia.[21]
[1]Guido Steinberg, "The Shiites in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia (al-Ahas), 1913-1953," in Rainer Brunner and Werner Ende, eds., The Twelver Shia in Modern Times. Religious Culture and Political History (Cologne: Brill, 2001), p. 237.
[2] Laurence Louer, Transnational Shia Politics. Religious and Political Networks in the Gulf (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), p. 21.
[3] Steinberg, "The Shiites in the Eastern Province," p. 248. King Abd al-'Aziz agreed to demands by the Ikhwan in 1927 to force the Shia to convert to "Islam," to close all mosques and husseiniyyas of the Shia, and to prohibit public religious ceremonies.
[4]Louer, Transnational Shia Politics, p. 22.
[5] Robert Vitalis, America's Kingdom. Mythmaking on the Saudi Oil Frontier (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), pp. 149-151.
[6] Toby Jones, "Rebellion on the Saudi Periphery: Modernity, Marginalization, and the Shi'a Uprising of 1979," International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 38 (2006), pp. 213-233.
[7] Tim Niblock, Saudi Arabia: Power, Legitimacy, and Survival (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2006), pp. 82-83. See also Jones, "Rebellion on the Saudi Periphery."
[8] Guido Steinberg, "The Wahhabi Ulama and the Saudi State," in Paul Aarts and Gerd Nonneman, eds., Saudi Arabia in the Balance (London: C.Hurst & Co., 2005), pp. 28-29.
[9] Natana J. Delong-Bas, Wahhabi Islam. From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 84-90.
[10] Niblock, Saudi Arabia: Power, Legitimacy, and Survival, p. 81.
[11] Human Rights Watch interviews with Hamza al-Hasan, Ja'far al-Shayib, and Sadiq Jubran, who were part of the Saudi Shia émigré opposition at the time, in London, March 2008, Qatif, Eastern Province, February 2006, and Hofuf, Eastern Province, February 2006, respectively.
[12] International Crisis Group (ICG), "The Shiite Question in Saudi Arabia," Middle East Report No. 45, September 19, 2005, http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=3678 (accessed August 19, 2009), p. 4.
[13] Human Rights Watch/Middle East, Routine Abuse, Routine Denial. Civil Rights and the Political Crisis in Bahrain, June 1997, http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/1997/07/01/routine-abuse-routine-denial; and Human Rights Watch interview with two Saudi Shia men, Qatif, February 2006. The men from the Eastern Province were arrested in Bahrain, handed over to Saudi authorities, and severely beaten in Saudi custody in 1995.
[14] Human Rights Watch interviews with family members of two detainees, Dammam and Qatif, December 18, 2006. See also Human Rights Watch, Precarious Justice, Arbitrary Detention and Unfair Trials in the Deficient Criminal Justice System of Saudi Arabia, vol. 20, no. 3(E), March 24, 2008, http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2008/03/24/precarious-justice-0, pp. 125-128. The involvement of Shia militants in the Khobar attacks has been questioned. See Gareth Porter, "Investigating Khobar Towers: How a Saudi Deception Protected bin Laden," Inter Press Service, http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=47312 (accessed July 4, 2009).
[15] Megan K. Stack, "Iraqi Strife Seeping Into Saudi Kingdom," Los Angeles Times, April 26, 2006, http://articles.latimes.com/2006/apr/26/world/fg-shiites26 (accessed August 19, 2009).
[16] Human Rights Watch interviews with two young Shia in Tarut and Qatif, Eastern Province, December 2006.
[17] Donna Abu-Nasr, "Sectarianism Casts Shadow Over Mideast," Associated Press, January 29, 2007, reproduced at http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/01/29/AR2007012900972_pf.html (accessed August 19, 2009).
[18] Human Rights Watch interviews with Ja'far al-Shayib, winner of a council seat in Qatif, and Sadiq Jubran, Ahsa', February 2006.
[19] See fatwas by Shaikh Abdullah bin Jibrin, member, Council of Senior Religious Scholars: Fatwa No. 12869, "Our Position on the Shia [موقفنا من الرافضة]," Fatwa No. 12461, "On The Way to Treat the Rejectionists [Shia][في طريقة التعامل مع الروافض]," Fatwa No. 8222: Ruling on Marriage by an Ismaili to a Sunni Woman [حكم تزويج الإسماعيلي بامرأة سنية], and Fatwa No. 7827 "Prohibition on Shia to Pray in Mosques of Muslims [منع الشيعة من الصلاة في مساجد المسلمين]," all published, undated, on Ibn Jibrin's website: Abdullah bin Jibrin, "Ibn Jibrin's Fatwas," http://ibn-jebreen.com/ftawa.php?view=subj&subid=1&parent=0 (accessed July 30, 2009). Ibn Jibrin died on July 13, 2009. The Council of Senior Religious Scholars is the kingdom's highest organ for interpreting Islam. The king appoints its members, who are all Sunni.
[20] Human Rights Watch email communication with a person close to Shaikh Faisal al-'Awwami, a member of the proposed group, November 11, 2006. See also "Announcing the Establishment of the 'Council for Legal Beginnings' in Qatif and Dammam Cities [الإعلان عن انشاء «مجلس الاستهلال الشرعي بمدينتي القطيف والدمام»]," Rasid News Network, http://www.rasid.com/artc.php?id=13227 (accessed July 30, 2009), and Human Rights Watch, The Ismailis of Najran: Second-class Saudi Citizens, September 2008, http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2008/09/22/ismailis-najran-0, p.22.
[21] Human Rights First in Saudi Arabia, statement, February 15, 2007, and Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Mukhlif al-Shammari, July 30, 2009.







