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XI. Response of International Actors

SADC and the AU

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) remain crucial to resolving the political crisis in Zimbabwe and ending the violence. While some regional leaders, namely President Levy Mwanawasa of Zambia, have been forthright in condemning the violence and criticizing the political situation in Zimbabwe, others such as President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa have refused to acknowledge the serious nature of the situation. For example, on a visit to Harare on May 9, Mbeki failed to condemn or call for an end to the violence even after he received a preliminary report on the violence from a group of South African former army generals he had appointed to investigate the situation.¹³²

These markedly different positions have prevented the regional bodies from taking concerted and decisive action to intervene in the crisis. A regional summit organized by SADC leaders to address the situation in Zimbabwe on April 12 led to little concrete action.¹³³ While SADC leaders rightly expressed concern about the delay in the release of presidential election results, they did little to address the government’s widespread violations of international human rights.¹³⁴

The inaction of the regional bodies has emboldened the government of Zimbabwe to turn the institutions of state even more aggressively against Zimbabweans seeking democratic change. Decisive political action is needed by the AU and SADC with the help of the UN to press the government to end the violence and prevent a very bad situation from getting even worse.  This means going beyond current regional diplomatic initiatives such as the SADC mediation process.

While the mediation process may have led to some improvements in the electoral process leading up to the March 29 elections,¹³⁵ it failed to address the root causes of the current political crisis in Zimbabwe—namely the government of Zimbabwe’s violations of international human rights standards. In light of the widespread and systematic nature of the recent violence, SADC and the AU should abandon the mediation process altogether and take more robust steps to end the violence.

The AU and SADC should deploy election observer teams that have a sufficiently strong mandate to ensure that the election results reflect the will of the people. They should refuse to endorse any results that do not meet this requirement. The AU and SADC electoral teams have a responsibility to report on the runoff based on regional principles guiding elections, and in a manner that accurately reflects the conditions on the ground. 

The issue of accountability should also be foremost in the minds of regional leaders. SADC heads of state have long ignored the violence that has marred previous elections in Zimbabwe, and have failed to push for a process of accountability. The time has now come for regional leaders ensure that the long term impunity that has marred Zimbabwe’s history is addressed. Peace and justice will remain elusive unless there is sustained action to address the political crisis that has led to past and recent abuses. To this end pressure on the government of Zimbabwe is essential to ensure accountability for recent violence.

Other International Actors

The European Union, the United States and the United Kingdom continue to condemn the violence and maintain travel sanctions and asset freezes against senior government and ZANU-PF officials. However, the long-term breakdown in relations between the government of Zimbabwe and its western development partners—especially the United Kingdom—has hindered their ability to work with African leaders to find a solution to Zimbabwe’s crisis.

Various UN officials have continued to engage with the crisis by releasing a series of statements condemning the violence and offering assistance to help resolve the crisis. In a meeting with MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai on April 21, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed deep concern about the post-electoral situation and said he would consult with the AU on the way forward.¹³⁶ He expressed further concern about the violence on May 7.¹³⁷ On April 29, six UN Special Rapporteurs—on extrajudicial killings, torture, violence against women, housing, free expression, and human rights defenders—issued a statement condemning the violence in Zimbabwe. On May 13, 2008 the UN country team to Zimbabwe voiced its concerns over politically motivated violence.¹³⁸

UN agencies have found it increasingly difficult to continue their work in the midst of the violence. In a statement on May 2, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) condemned the “increases in violence affecting children, and growing hindrances in reaching the most vulnerable.”¹³⁹ On May 21, UNICEF issued another statement reporting that the violence had hampered ongoing relief efforts throughout the country.¹⁴⁰ 

On May 13, UN Country Team Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator to Zimbabwe, Agustino Zacarias, released a statement expressing concern over the politically motivated violence and the humanitarian problems arising from the violence. In the statement the UN Country Team expressed its worries over those who had fled their homes—out of fear of reprisals—and lacked food, shelter and other basic social services, which could lead to unprecedented humanitarian needs.¹⁴¹ 

Further, the government has prevented a number of international aid agencies from distributing food aid around the country. On May 29, 2008, Zimbabwe’s Minister of Social Welfare, Nicolas Goche, issued a directive prohibiting a major international aid agency from distributing food in Masvingo province.¹⁴² Goche alleged that international aid agencies are using food distribution programs, set up to reach Zimbabwe’s population, to support the campaign of the MDC, Zimbabwe’s main opposition party. Local sources also informed Human Rights Watch that Goche has also blocked other aid agencies from distributing food in Masvingo, Manicaland, and Mashonaland provinces until after the June 27 presidential elections.¹⁴³

On May 29, the minister of local government, Dr. Ignatious Chombo, issued a separate directive stating that all rural areas would fall under the jurisdiction of his ministry and that all food aid distribution would be carried out through local government structures.¹⁴⁴ The decision of the government to suspend food aid by international agencies effectively put the control of food distribution in the hands of the government.¹⁴⁵ However, the ongoing violence and these recent developments have failed to place Zimbabwe on the agenda of the UN Security Council.

The UN Security Council, largely due to China and South Africa, has not made a determination that the situation in Zimbabwe is a threat to international peace and security. This has nullified the ability of the body to deal decisively with Zimbabwe. A special Security Council briefing on Zimbabwe on April 29 failed to lead to any significant Security Council action.¹⁴⁶ The failure of regional diplomatic initiatives to address the political crisis in Zimbabwe calls for greater engagement from bodies such as the United Nations. The situation in Zimbabwe now warrants a higher level of engagement. The time has come for the UN Secretary-General to work together with AU leaders and use his office to appoint a Special Envoy on Zimbabwe to investigate and report on the abuses taking place in the country.