This report consists almost entirely of first-hand testimony covering cases of human rights violations from across the Central Highlands in 2005 and 2006. During the course of this research Human Rights Watch documented eight confirmed and five other possible extrajudicial killings since 2005, all involving members of the police, and one of which members of the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI), the Indonesian military, appear to be primarily responsible. We documented two rapes, one by a TNI soldier of a child, and one by Brimob officers.
In 10 of the 14 cases documented in this report, members of the police force were the perpetrators. Several victims told Human Rights Watch about their forced displacement due to sweeping operations by Brimob and army units, and were eyewitnesses to the deaths of nine civilians (two children and seven adults), most likely caused by exposure to diseases such as malaria and lack of access to medical treatment during displacement.
The passing of the Soeharto era and the transition to Special Autonomy has brought about some gradual easing of tensions between Papuans and the central government in Jakarta, resulting in some decrease in military crackdowns and sweeping operations of the Papuan population. The main reason for the recent reduction in these types of sweeping operations in Papua appears to be reduced armed activity by the OPM.
While the number and scale of sweeping campaigns in Papua as a whole has decreased since Soeharto stepped down, such operations still occur periodically, most often in the Central Highlands, where OPM activity and support remains strongest. While such operations typically are triggered by alleged OPM attacks, the security forces continue to respond with disproportionate and often lethal force, with surrounding communities subject to harsh collective punishment. Greater numbers of civilian lives are lost when communities, forced from their homes to set up makeshift shelter in the forests, succumb to illnesses caused by poor nutrition, inadequate housing, and lack of access to health services. Widespread destruction of private and community propertyincluding crops, livestock, and schoolslooting, and desecration of churches by security forces are common occurrences and make it very difficult for returning communities to rebuild and sustain themselves, protracting the experience of displacement. Many of the testimonies we gathered, presented below, focus on the consequences of displacement that follows abusive behavior by security forces.
Known sweeping operations were undertaken by security forces in the Kiyawage area in 2003, in Puncak Jaya during 2004, and in the Tolikara regency from January-March 2005;68 in August-October 2005 Puncak Jaya was targeted again in villages throughout Tinginamput District.
The 2004 and 2005 operations in Puncak Jaya were triggered by authorities efforts to find Goliat Tabuni, an OPM leader who heads one of the more active OPM cells in the Mulia region. In both operations, religious leaders were killed. In September 2004 Rev. Elisa Tabuni was killed by members of the military after he denied knowing the OPM leaders whereabouts.69 His son, also a pastor, managed to escape with his hands cuffed.70 During the same operation, thousands were forcibly displaced to the mountains. The London-based human rights organization TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign, received a list of 53 names of civilians who reportedly had died as a consequence of the displacement.71 Other groups reported that up to 15,000 people had been displaced and 20 people, mainly children, had died.72 In the 2005 Puncak Jaya operation, another pastor, Apreke Tabuni, was executed by members of Brimob in circumstances similar to those under which the Rev. Elisa Tabuni had been killed the previous year.73
In March 2005 a Brimob police unit was air-dropped from Jayapura into Tolikara Regency, marched the approximately 6o kilometers to Wunmi District, and conducted an aggressive sweeping operation. This was in response to the burning of several schools in late February 2005, allegedly by the OPM. On March 13, 2005, en route to Wunmi, a member of Brimob shot and killed a civilian named Lele Jikwa. Although we were unable to find any eyewitnesses to the killing, a man who came across Lele shortly after he had been shot reported that Lele was unarmed at the time.
As the witness told Human Rights Watch:
Another person recounts:
Members of Brimob continued on to Wunmi, where community members report that officers burned 10 houses and shot and consumed dozens of chickens and pigs as well as large quantities of fruit from private houses in two villages, Honai and Inanagai, before returning to Tolikara on March 15. Following this incident, frightened villagers fled to the mountains where they remained until the end of April 2005. Witnesses claimed that seven displaced persons within their group died from malaria, diarrhea, or pneumonia they had contracted due to unhygienic conditions. One witness told Human Rights Watch:
A health officer staying with the displaced community told Human Rights Watch:
The sweeping operation undertaken by Brimob in Puncak Jaya in August 2005 occurred after Brimob officers from Mulia responded to a report that OPM leader Goliat Tabuni was present in the village of Kuragi visiting his ailing parents. Early in the morning of August 17, 2005, a number of Brimob officers arrived in Kuragi village and questioned villagers. Villagers told Human Rights Watch that they denied that Tabuni was in the area and, to placate Brimob members, had offered them meat. Later, however, the Brimob officers arrested three people in the local church, after which the situation deteriorated. At some point a Brimob member was shot in the right rib, although the circumstances of the shooting remain unclear. The officer was evacuated to Jayapura for medical treatment.
The remaining Brimob members redoubled their search for Goliat Tabuni and his OPM followers. On August 18 and 19 more Brimob reinforcements were air-dropped from Jayapura by helicopter and commenced sweeping operations across at least 13 villages in the district of Tinginamput. One witness told Human Rights Watch:
Villagers in the area told Human Rights Watch that they estimate as a consequence of these deployments 16,000 civilians fled to the mountains or to other regions. Local residents fears were stoked by reports that Brimob officers had tortured an OPM member they had caught. As one witness told us:
During the sweeping operation, Brimob troops reportedly destroyed houses and buildings, and looted or burned gardens and fields. The widespread destruction and lack of assistance in re-building, many villagers did not return to their houses for several months.80 Describing the fear the sweeping operation induced, a villager told Human Rights Watch:
Brimob established roadblocks and patrols through the area, preventing displaced persons from returning to collect food from whatever gardens were not destroyed.
Many displaced people remained in the jungle for four months until the end of December 2005. It is not known how many died. All suffered acute privations. One of those displaced told Human Rights Watch:
Another internally displaced person shared a similar story with Human Rights Watch:
Another man who was displaced from Kuragi and living with a different, larger group in the jungle similarly reported:
Due to continuing prohibitions on media and NGO access to Papua, no reliable figures exist concerning the number of deaths caused by these operations or the total numbers of civilians displaced.
Forced displacement also prevents children from attending school and the burning and destruction of government buildings often includes schools, guaranteeing that such interruptions in education have long-term consequences. One villager told Human Rights Watch:
Many residents independently told Human Rights Watch that Brimob officers used churches for accommodation in their 2005 Puncak Jaya operation and sometimes desecrated them upon their departure. This caused ongoing disruption to religious activities and dampened the morale and emotional recovery of local communities. Many churches remain badly damaged.86 As was the case during the Brimob operation in Tolikara (detailed above), religious leaders were not spared the direct brunt of human rights violations. One community member reported:
Similarly, another victim reported:
The destruction and looting of houses, gardens, crops, and the theft of livestock during sweeping operations ensure ongoing suffering even once displaced communities are able to return. Livelihoods are easily destroyed overnight but can take months and years to rebuild, especially when an entire communitys financial capital has been destroyed. Such widespread destruction limits the ability of community members to help each other and further increases the hardships suffered by vulnerable groups, especially already marginalized people such as female-headed families with few or no resources to tide them over.
One man told Human Rights Watch:
Ceremonies at which the Morning Star flag is raised, symbolizing independence aspirations, remain a common expression of Papuan nationalism and defiance. While such flag raisings are in themselves peaceful, they frequently are met with brutal repression by Indonesian authorities, who view them as a dangerous and illegal form of separatist activity.
One early morning in 2005 [exact date withheld], 12 members of TPN (Tentara Papua Nasional, Papua National Army) and OPM conducted a peaceful flag-raising ceremony in a field near a village in Bolakme [exact date and location withheld]. In response, Brimob arrived at the scene equipped with fire arms and in full uniform. They immediately opened fire aiming at the flag, into the air, and violently accosted those present. One witness told Human Rights Watch:
Another victim told a similar story:
Another man recounted his experience:
A fourth man described how he was mistreated at the Brimob watch post:
On March 15, 2006, police appeared at the house of former district head (Bupati) David Hubi in Wamena, Jayawijaya. Hubi had been suspended from office on corruption charges and had four times failed to appear in court to face charges.94 In preparation for his arrest, police had conducted surveillance of his house on March 14, and then blocked roads leading to his residence on March 15. Supporters, including family members, children, and women, along with some male supporters, armed with traditional weapons such as bows and arrows, spears, and machetes, flocked to Hubis house to demonstrate their support, and to obstruct the authorities access to the area.
From 6 a.m.-11 a.m. a standoff took place between Hubi and his supporters and the Jayawijaya special reserve police, alongside prosecutors from Wamena. Hubis supporters refused to open the door to his house and Hubi continued to deny his surrender. Negotiators for Hubi said that the arrest warrant was not accompanied by a final order from the District Court and that the arrest was therefore unlawful. Negotiations broke down.95
According to Indonesias national Human Rights Commission, KOMNAS HAM members of the reserve police asserted that members of the crowd started to attack them, with one officer reportedly injured by an arrow to his leg. The police then opened fire on the crowd, killing two men, Sodeman Hubi, the younger brother of David Hubi, and Mokarineak Kossay. They also seriously injured a third man, Hali Matuan, who later died from his injuries. Newspapers reported that some 143 other people were injured.96
According to witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, police broke down the door to Hubis home and discharged tear gas into the house, beating those in the way and forcing them into the yard. Police armed with rifle butts and rubber batons assaulted unarmed civilians. All those present on the property, including children as young as nine years old, were herded into police vehicles and tear gas was discharged nearby. Those detained were taken to Jayawijaya police station where victims say they were further mistreated and neglected by the police.
One eyewitness told Human Rights Watch:
Another witness told Human Rights Watch:
Young children present at the former district chiefs house were not spared. One 9-year-old boy told Human Rights Watch:
A 13-year-old boy told a similar story:
Similar brutality was shown to a woman who was six months pregnant:
In total around 200 people were detained in relation to this incident.102 Most were released late on the night of March 15, 2006 or the following day. Eight people, including three women, were charged with offenses of threatening violence and obstructing arrest.103 The three women who were detained were interrogated by the police for three days and then conditionally released.104
The five men were detained at Polres for 60 days and then transferred to cells at the Wamena prosecutors office and detained for a further month.105 After several hearings, at which seven members of the police and the prosecutor gave evidence against the charged group, the court issued a final decision in November 2006 sentencing the five men to three months of imprisonment. As they had already spent three months in jail they were immediately released.106
Human Rights Watch has been unable to confirm whether any police officers have been investigated or charged for their roles in this incident. We wrote to the head of the police in Papua asking for information on this case but did not receive any response. The police have consistently defended their behavior, claiming that the force used was both reasonable and proportionate.107 Although some of the people surrounding Hubis house did have spears and bows and arrows, the majority were unarmed. The testimony above strongly suggests that police used excessive force with respect to persons present who were not offering any serious resistance, including women and children.
Several victims from this incident have filed a complaint with Komnas HAM Papua, who then reported it to the Komnas HAM office in Jakarta. To our knowledge, however, there have been no further developments in the case.
There is also some evidence suggesting that police may have used excessive and disproportionate force on September 29, 2006, in the city of Mulia, the regional capital of Puncak Jaya. In this case, the protesters were residents who had been denied a government fuel subsidy (compensating for fuel price hikes) on grounds that they were not originally from the Puncak Jaya region. The disgruntled members decided to conduct a peaceful protest at the office of the Provincial Legislative Assembly (the DPRD) in New Mulia City. At 12p.m. that day they gathered in the old city and began a 10 kilometer march towards the DPRD office.
Witnesses recount that, as the crowd moved forward, marchers began throwing rocks breaking the windows of houses lining the main road.108 Brimob was called to back up the police to prevent the protestors from entering the DPRD office compound. Under conditions that remain unclear and require additional public investigation, police opened fire upon the crowd, wounding three civilians, two men and a woman.
One eyewitness described the events as follows:
A second witness who assisted the victims at the scene told Human Rights Watch:
In Waghete, Paniai, on January 20, 2006, police shot and seriously injured two young men while undertaking a routine policing matter. The TNI also became involved and are believed responsible for the shooting death of a third victim, a 16-year-old child. While key facts in the case remain unclear, a soldier subsequently was convicted of shooting the 16-year-old but received a sentence of only eight months of imprisonment. As the account below indicates, the case warrants more thorough investigation.
In this case, some local youths had established a roadblock and were demanding small sums of money from drivers of vehicles, ostensibly to fund repairs to that stretch of road. A police officer from Polsek Waghete demanded that they present to him the following day a letter from the village chief authorizing them to collect a toll. Early the following morning, two of the youths, [names withheld], obtained the letter from the village chief and departed for Waghete together with an unknown number of others to have it authorized by the military (Koramil) and police (Polsek) who shared adjoining compounds. Upon presenting the letter to the relevant officer, other police arrived and ripped the letter to pieces.
The youths then attempted to flee and the police pursued them. One of the youths was captured and beaten. Hearing the commotion, members of Koramil, Timsus 753 emerged from their barracks and joined the police in beating the youth.
Precisely what happened next is not clear. Eyewitnesses told Human Rights Watch that, shortly after the beating began, a police officer fell into a sewage ditch, got up, drew his pistol and shot two bullets, hitting one of the youths in the right side of the stomach, and another youth in the right foot, and that TNI members and other police also opened fire. Mozes Douw, a 16-year-old school student was shot and killed at the scene. From the accounts, it is unclear how many youth were present at the time and whether or to what extent they may have physically threatened police.
One eyewitness told Human Rights Watch:
Danton Budi Arif Situmean chased but did not catch one of the youths who was a victim of the shooting and who fled the scene. The same witness to the initial shooting assisted this youth with shooting injuries.
An independent autopsy upon the body of Mozes Douw confirmed that he was killed by gunshot wounds fired from a range of 10-75 meters.113
The killing of Mozes Douw and the shooting of the two other youths drew an angry response from local residents. On January 24, 2006, members of the community confronted a joint delegation of DPRD members, TNI officers, and the police at the Timsus TNI office in Enarotali.114
The response of the authorities was initially promising. The DPRD announced that two teams would be established to investigate the shootings, one to investigate the site, the other to liaise with TNI in Jakarta. The police and TNI conceded responsibility for the shooting incident, promising that action would be taken against those culpable. Statements from the head of Kapolres and Timsus 753 provided promises that the case would be investigated and responsible personnel charged.
The following day two officers believed responsible were named; TNI officer Second Lieutenant Situmeang, who was alleged to have shot two of the youths, and police officer Ronald Isac Tumena, at that time believed to be responsible for shooting Mozes Douw.
However, since then no police have been disciplined or charged in relation to the incident. Second Lieutenant Situmeang, subsequently identified as the officer responsible for the shooting of Mozes Douw, was sentenced by a military tribunal to eight months in prison.115 Komnas HAM Papua also conducted an investigation into the incident and reported it to their central office. However, no further public actions have yet resulted.
This case occurred in 2006 [exact date withheld], also in the Jayawijaya Region, in a village [name withheld] in Wamena. The victim had been drinking with two friends at his house for several hours. His wife asked him to buy something from a local shop. On the way back from the shop, the victim reportedly made a lewd and suggestive comment to three women returning to their houses, one of whom was the wife of a police officer. She called her husband and informed him of the victims insulting behavior. That police officer and two other officers immediately drove to the victims house, broke down the door, and searched for him. The victims wife recounts what she saw and heard:
In 2006 [exact date withheld] in a village located in Apalapsili District, Jayawijaya, [exact location withheld] police officers sought to enforce a civil debt of two pigs owed by a farmer, to another man. The farmer received a summons from the police to appear at the police station. On August 22, 2006, he went to the police station, as did the other party. A police officer, named Mufti [name changed to protect the victim] ordered him to bring two pigs to pay the other man the following day. The farmer complained that he did not have two pigs to pay, but his protest was not accepted. The following day the farmer went to the police station with some close family members, but without the pigs. Negotiations with the police and the other party were proceeding when Mufti arrived in civilian clothing with a number of other police and asked where the pigs were. When it was apparent that the farmer had not brought the pigs, Mufti assaulted him and threatened his family at gunpoint. The farmer told Human Rights Watch:
The farmer reported his mistreatment to the police in Apalapsili. Human Rights Watch has not been able to confirm whether the authorities had taken any action on his complaint at the time of this writing.
Human Rights Watchs research in the Central Highlands also uncovered several cases of abuses by TNI forces, some in their official capacity, and others in their private capacity but with reason to believe that their status as TNI members would protect them and give them immunity. The cases suggest that brutality is still all too common among soldiers in the Central Highlands and that soldiers who abuse civilians continue to feel confident that they are above the law and will suffer no adverse consequences for their actions.
A man in Wamena was involved in a private dispute with two drivers concerning payment for the delivery of rice to him. After earlier threatening to report him to the police if he did not pay, in 2005 [date withheld], the two drivers went to a house in Wamena where the man was visiting a friend, bringing some intelligence officers to assist them in enforcing the debt. The intelligence officers reportedly hit both the victim and his friend with an iron bar, despite the fact that the friend was not party to the dispute.
The victim told Human Rights Watch:
The two men were released from police custody at around 12p.m. The friend, who was attacked by the police only because he was present, required 18 stitches to his head. He told Human Rights Watch:
In May 2005 a soldier raped a 16-year-old girl in Jayawijaya. (The case is described in detail in the subsection: Violence against women and other violations of womens rights, below). The victims teacher then told the victims uncle about the attack and he traveled from Wamena to assess the incident and take action against the reported perpetrator. For his efforts, he too was beaten by the same perpetrator.
The uncle told Human Rights Watch:
In 2005 [date withheld] in a village in Jayawijaya, a man was hurrying to the medical clinic to get eye medication for his newly born child when he met with a uniformed TNI member [name withheld to protect victims identity] he was already acquainted with, based at the Koramil. The soldier immediately asked the victim to contribute a pig to help pay for his upcoming wedding ceremony. The victim told Human Rights Watch:
The officer then threw another heavy rock at the victim, knocking him to the ground. The officer then yanked him up again and then threw him back down on the ground before hitting his head with a rock three to four times.
A friend of the victim arrived at the scene and wanted to take him to the local police station, but he was not confident of his ability to help and so returned to his home. That night at around 8 p.m. the victim was given a letter summoning him to go to the local Koramil. He went that evening, not wanting to risk having an unresolved problem with a member of the military, but left after he was further threatened by the officer that if he disclosed what had occurred he would be killed. The victim continues to live in fear but did report the incident to several human rights organizations in the area.
Yet another case occurred in Piramid, Asologaima district, in 2005. A group of youths had repaired a road and were collecting a toll from drivers of passing vehicles. A disgruntled taxi driver reported this to the military checkpoint, Infantry Battalion Kostrad 411. Fourteen armed and uniformed members of Kostrad set out to accost the youths. When Kostrad arrived approximately five youths were collecting the toll. When they saw the Kostrad members approaching they ran. Some of the Kostrad members opened fire but did not hit or succeed in capturing any of the young men. They then turned on two men who happened to be passing by the scene at that moment. They were walking back from buying groceries in town. One of them told Human Rights Watch:
After being badly beaten, the pair, under tight guard, was forced to march about one kilometer to the Piramid bus terminal. En route they claim they were threatened and beaten. Upon arrival they were forced to board a vehicle which took them to the Kostrad Kimbim headquarters, all the while being beaten. Upon arrival they were ordered to crawl on the ground. They claim they were then stomped on and beaten with a piece of wood. The two were separated and detained under guard in separate cells and interrogated about whether they were members of OPM. One of them explained:
While they were in the yard, the two men attempted to escape. One of them succeeded, but one was recaptured and tortured again.
Perhaps responding to an alert from the escaped friend, at around 6 p.m. a police mobile patrol vehicle arrived containing police and the head of the village. The victim, still tied and naked, was thrown by military and police into the vehicle and transported to Wamena police station, where he arrived at around 7:30 p.m. Later that night, due to the absence of any evidence of any wrongdoing, he was released.126
While entire communities suffer the consequences of conflict, Papuan women and girls are particularly at risk of certain human rights abuses, including sexual violence. The rationalization for their abuse varies from discrimination, limited mobility, and restricted access to resources, decision making power, and information.127
The risks of living in highly militarized areas are compounded by womens low status in indigenous culture, and marginality within contemporary political movements, including the nationalist movement. All of these factors affect the ability of women and girls to assert their rights and participate in society as full and equal citizens.
Rape, sexual slavery, and other sexual violence against women and girls by the Indonesian security forces have previously been documented throughout the Central Highlands, with female victims ranging from 3 to 60 years old.128 This situation is exacerbated by the lack of training for police, judges, and medical personnel in responding to allegations of gender-based violence.129
In 1995, Amnesty International reported, Non-governmental organisations complain that if a woman who is raped by members of the security forces does feel confident enough to report the incident, little action, if any, is taken against those believed to be responsible.130 In her 1999 report to the Commission on Human Rights, the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women stated:
She also concluded that no perpetrators had been brought to trial and no victims had been compensated, stating that human rights abuses continue to occur even under the new regime.132
Violence against women by police and TNI forces is a continuing problem today. Rapes and other forms of gender-based violence have continued to occur during military or police operations and when women or girls are en route to or from gardens, schools, markets, or wells, or when soldiers demands for payment in livestock or in kind cannot be met.
The opportunistic and arbitrariness of these attacks has fuelled an overall atmosphere of insecurity that has restricted women and girls freedom of movement as they modify or abstain from daily activities to reduce the risk of rape and other forms of violence. This can in turn reduce their access to livelihoods and basic services such as education and health. Victims are punished not only by the attack itself and subsequent restrictions upon freedom of movement, but also by the ongoing stigma of having being raped and the suspicion that they in fact consented, both of which can restrict future opportunities such as marriage and reduce their value in the eyes of some community members. Survivors of attacks may also have to contend with unwanted pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases, depression, and other health consequences.
Aside from cases involving allegations against security forces, ordinary law enforcement can be patchy and based on dubious notions of when and how traditional justice should apply. Measures to improve government response to sexual violence implemented in other parts of Indonesia have not yet been comprehensively introduced in Papua, such as improved training for police and judges, and the introduction of one-stop crisis centers and hotlines. Indonesia has introduced Special Service Units (RPK) at police precincts that help deal with sexual violence cases. However, according to Government records there is only one of these for both Papua and West Papua.133
As detailed below, women and girls may be forced to provide sex to members of the security forces upon demand. Refusal to comply can bring about fatal consequences. Security forces in some cases have alleged that women and girls have connections with the OPM and perpetrate acts of sexual violence against them as retaliation and intimidation. Perpetrators have also threatened rape survivors and their families with reprisals if they try to report the assault, and commit further acts of violence, as in the case of the uncle of a rape victim discussed earlier. The absence of confidential and accessible complaints mechanisms for sexual assault cases, appropriate protocol to collect forensic evidence, and the overall atmosphere of impunity make it almost impossible for victims to seek redress.
In one clear case of opportunistic rape, a 16-year-old girl who lived far from her school boarded with a female teacher in a village in Jayawijaya district, returning to her own village only on Saturdays. One Saturday in May 2005, on her way home to the village, she was confronted by a member of the TNI from the local barracks. He offered her a packet of instant noodles and then dragged her into the jungle and raped her. The soldier threatened to kill her, her family members, and to tell her teacher (the perpetrator is related to the teacher) that she had consented to sex if she refused or disclosed the perpetrators identity. The girl told Human Rights Watch:
Women and girls can also be at heightened risk of sexual or gender-based violence if they are suspected of being members, supporters, or related to members of the OPM. This was the experience of a woman displaced by a sweeping operation by security forces in Puncak Jaya at the end of 2005. She was returning to her refugee camp after collecting vegetables from a garden with a few other women. She told Human Rights Watch:
68 Indonesian military reacting brutally in Wunin, Wurineri District, West Papua News, January 24, 2005.
69 Alleged murder to be probed, The Jakarta Post, October 29, 2004.
70 TAPOL Briefing on the current situation in West Papua, TAPOL - The Indonesia Human Rights Campaign, March 14, 2005, http://tapol.gn.apc.org/reports/r050315wpbriefing.htm; John, King and Peter Wing Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian state apparatus and a current needs assessment of the Papuan people, Report prepared for the West Papua Project at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney; ELSHAM, Lembaga Study dan Advokasi Hak Asasi Manusia, Jayapura, Papua, August 2005, p.19.
71 TAPOL Briefing on the current situation in West Papua, TAPOL - The Indonesian Human Rights Campaign, March 14 2005, http://tapol.gn.apc.org/reports/r050315wpbriefing.htm.
72 Thousands of Papuans Flee Troops, Courier Mail, November 27, 2004; Solidarity South Pacific, http://www.eco-action.org/ssp/news/07120402.html (accessed June 25, 2007); Papuan Protesters Present Plea Calling for Jakarta to End Punjak Jaya Military Action, Radio New Zealand International, December 17, 2004.
73 Human Rights Watch Interviews (names and locations withheld), 2006.
74 Human Rights Watch interview (name and locations withheld), 2006.
75 Human Rights Watch interview with (name and locations withheld), 2006.
76 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
77 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
78 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
79 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
80 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
81 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
82 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
83 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
84 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
85 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
86 Human Rights Watch interviews (names and locations withheld), 2006.
87 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
88 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
90 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
91 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
92 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
93 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
94 Terdakwa Drs, David A. Hubi Sudah Dipanggil 4 Kali, Cenderawasih Pos, May 16 2006.
95 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
96 Komnas HAM Papua Laporkan Tindakan Kekerasan Polisi Jayawijaya, Republika, June 16, 2006.
97 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
98 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
99 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
100 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
101 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
102 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
103 Tiga tersangka dan BAP Diserahkan ke Kejaksaan, Cenderawasih Pos, July 11, 2006.
104 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
105 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
106 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
107 Terdakwa Drs, David A. Hubi Sudah Dipanggil 4 Kali, Cenderawasih Pos, May 16, 2006.
108 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
109 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
110 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
111 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
112 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
113 Autopsy Report of Mozes Douw by Dr. Jhon Manangsang, Enaroltali, January 25, 2006.
114 Enraged Papuans Protest Shooting, the Jakarta Post, January 24, 2006.
115 Papua: Answers to Frequently Asked Questions International Crisis Group Briefing Paper, 53, September 5, 2006, p. 9.
116 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
117 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
118 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
119 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
120 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
121 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
122 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
123 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
124 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
125 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
126 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
128 Incidents of Military Violence Against Indigenous Women in Irian Jaya (West Papua) Indonesia, Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Centre for Human Rights and the Institute for Human Rights Studies and Advocacy, May 1999, http://stats.utwatch.org/corporations/freeportfiles/rfk-rape.html.
129 In November 1998 the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women planned to visit Papua but was denied access by the government, which cited a lack of time. See Radhika Coomaraswamy, UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, including its causes and consequences, Integration of the Human Rights of Women and the Gender Perspective: Violence Against Women, no.4, December 1998; UN Commission on Human Rights 55th session, E/CN.4/1999/68/Add.3, January 21, 1999, http://www.icescolombo.org/unvaw/facts.htm.
130 Women in Indonesia and East Timor: Standing Against Repression (London, Amnesty International, 1995), p. 15.
131 Radhika Coomaraswamy, UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Integration of the Human Rights of Women and the Gender Perspective: Violence against women, no.4, December 1998, UN Commission on Human Rights 55th session, E/CN.4/1999/68/Add.3, January, 21, 1999, http://www.icescolombo.org/unvaw/facts.htm.
133 The Elimination of Trafficking in Persons in Indonesia, Co-ordinating Ministry for Peoples Welfare, Government of Indonesia, Criminal Investigation Body of the National Police Headquarter, Jakarta, 2005, http://www.menkokesra.go.id/pdf/deputi3/human_trafficking_eng.pdf (accessed June 4, 2007).
134 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.
135 Human Rights Watch interview (name and location withheld), 2006.