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I. Summary

The government of Egypt has severely restricted freedom of association for more than four decades. Although the Egyptian constitution protects the right to freedom of association, the government has used a complex set of interlocking laws, decrees, and emergency powers to stifle the exercise that right. The ability to establish political parties and independent trade unions, for instance, is highly controlled. Although talk of reform has gained pace since the end of the 1990s, at the time of writing few tangible steps had taken place.

These restrictions have stunted Egypt’s civil society. Egyptian nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have long been burdened by cumbersome laws, an often hostile and inefficient government bureaucracy, and frequent interference by the security forces.1 Nevertheless, NGOs in Egypt have grown in number, scope of activities and impact.2

In June 2003, after forty years of suffocating NGO regulation, a new associations law (Law 84/2002) entered into force. This report discusses the new law’s impact on NGOs. It also examines other key barriers to the formation, work, and accountability of Egyptian civil society groups, based on documentation of the difficulties experienced by some thirty groups working in areas ranging from environmental awareness, adult literacy, women’s empowerment, support services for child laborers, to human rights advocacy and research.

In some ways, Law 84/2002 is an improvement on the previous NGO law. Yet its provisions—and even more strikingly, the broad and arbitrary way in which it is applied—violate Egypt’s international legal obligations to uphold freedom of association. It prohibits political and union-related activity, and allows NGOs to be dissolved by administrative order. It continues a host of intrusive administrative practices that restrict the natural development of civil society organizing activities and provides ample means for political or bureaucratic interference. It entrenches a system in which NGOs are treated as the children of a paternalistic government.

Perhaps the most serious barriers to meaningful freedom of association in Egypt lie outside of Law 84/2002. The first is the role of the powerful security services, which routinely review and reject NGO registrations and scrutinize their leaders, activities, and funding. This role has no legal basis in the associations law. When pressed, these security agencies justify their decisions according to grossly disproportionate interpretations of “public order.” The second is the network of interlocking laws, decrees, and restrictions that inhibit the exercise of meaningful political life in Egypt outside of government-approved margins and allow the Ministry of Insurance and Social Affairs (MISA) to reject, dissolve, or harass any organization that the government holds in disfavor. Egyptian civil society and Egyptian courts repeatedly attempt to widen those margins; the government and security forces strive to hold them back.3

When governments restrict people’s ability to speak, meet, and work together, they are wasting a vital source of energy, innovation, and ideas. If people cannot form, run, and fund civil society organizations, then there is little chance of a functioning democracy or equitable, sustainable development.4 Government attitudes and regulation have to help – not hinder – ordinary people to form groups, raise money, and work for the benefit of their fellow citizens.

NGOs should be accountable to funders, clients, and the wider public they serve. Governments do have an interest in ensuring that local laws and standards are met, including ensuring that for-profit ventures do not claim the financial benefits of NGO status. There is, however, a difference between well-designed, transparent accountability mechanisms, and excessive state powers that police and stifle the work, goals, and leadership of civil society organizations. Egypt’s laws fall squarely into the latter category.



[1] In this study the “NGO” and “group” are used to describe all Egyptian civil society organizations. The terms “association” and “civil foundation” describe the two main forms of legal structure Egyptian NGOs may possess under law 84/2002.

[2] Some 4,000 groups were registered in 1964. Forty years later, most Egyptian commentators put the figure as at least 17,000. This is smaller than in many countries of comparable size. (Explanatory Memorandum of the Law No. 32 for 1964, reproduced in the Middle East Library for Economic Services Law No. 32/1964 Concerning the Private Societies and Organizations/Qanun al-Jam`iyyat wa al-Mu’assassat al-Khassa, With Its Executive Regulations, April 2002.)

[3] A third extra-legal barrier to the meaningful exercise of freedom of association, not addressed in this report, is the government’s ability to use its influence over religious and other institutions, including major media, to encourage popular hostility toward NGOs and individual activists, often on the grounds that because they receive international assistance they therefore act on behalf of Western powers. In mid-March 2005, for example, preachers in a number of Cairo mosques, including several of the largest, used their Friday sermons to denounce Negad al-Bora’i, a prominent defense lawyer and activist who heads the Group for Democratic Development, and Saadeddin Ibrahim, head of the Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies, for “treason” and “espionage” because their groups had been named as recipients of U.S. government democracy-promotion grants..(See Lina `Atallah, “Preachers and parliamentarians condemn NGOs for receiving U.S. funds for democracy work,” Cairo Magazine Website (www.cairomagazine.com), received by Human Rights Watch in e-mail dated April 5, 2005, from News from Democracy Egypt.A source in the Ministry of Religious Endowments, which manages mosque affairs, insisted that these were “individual tendencies” rather than “an official stance.” The Ibn Khaldun Center, in a March 28, 2005, statement, estimated that the total foreign funding received by all Egyptian NGOs amounted to perhaps 1 percent of the foreign assistance provided to President Mubarak’s government, “the major recipient of foreign funding in Egypt.”

[4] UNDP Regional Bureau for Arab States, Arab Human Development Report 2002: Creating Opportunities for Future Generations (New York, 2002), pp. 103-120; and UNDP, Human Development Report 2002: Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World (New York, 2002), pp. 51-63.


<<previous  |  index  |  next>>July 2005