The systematic reimposition of colonial legislation and Soeharto-era practices can be traced to July and August 2002, when numerous arrests of political activists took place in Jakarta. These individuals were arrested solely for expressing their non-violent political views at peaceful demonstrations in the capital. The arrests followed a series of anti-government and anti-Megawati demonstrations, centered on dissatisfaction with rising oil and rice prices and the general economic downturn in Indonesia.
The protests were marked by performance art pieces depicting the fall of Megawati. They ranged in size from thirty participants to several hundred. By post-Soeharto standards, these demonstrations were not large, and certainly not a threat to the stability of the government. However, it appears the authorities decided to crack down against participants in order to ensure that neither the organizers nor the demonstrations were given the chance to flourish. Police tactics varied from targeting prominent protestors at these demonstrations to arbitrarily arresting other participants.
The systematic arrests of demonstrators appears to have been prompted by a statement President Megawati made on July 8, 2002, when she publicly condemned those who voiced opposition to the government. Megawati was reported as saying that symbols of the country had to be respected and that if she met demonstrators who did not respect those symbols she would ask them to choose another nationality: "If they do not like this country it is better that they leave Indonesia and choose another country."10
After these statements were made, arrests of demonstrators "insulting" President Megawati increased significantly.
They were stepped up in January 2003 when widespread protests and demonstrations erupted following the government's announcement of an increase in electricity, telephone and fuel prices. Massive protests took place across the archipelago, including in Java, Sulawesi, Kalimantan, and as far east as Papua.11 The scale of these demonstrations forced the government to backtrack on its commitments to the IMF and to retract the price-hikes. It was a sobering reminder to both the national and international community of the strength inherent in such public opposition. For Megawati it was also a symbol of the festering popular dissent against her government and a reminder that it was popular dissent, expressed through similar, albeit larger, demonstrations that contributed greatly to the downfall of Soeharto.
That the demonstrators personalized their dissent, and aimed all their grievances at the personage of Megawati, clearly hit a presidential nerve. Reacting to the January protests, Megawati again responded publicly: "When I look at my pictures--and I actually look pretty there--and see people stomping on them, I feel like I want to throw up...like a volcano about to explode...[I will] remember that face [referring to a demonstrator]."12
Following these statements, a spokesman for the police reiterated the point by saying that the police would also take strict action against those demonstrators insulting "state symbols." Chief Detective Prasetyo from the Jakarta police station explicitly warned that perpetrators would be charged under article 134 of KUHP and that this would "be imposed upon those burning posters or an effigy of the president."13
The Minister of Manpower, Jacob Nuwawea, a PDI-P leader, also threatened students who held protests against President Megawati Soekarnoputri. He stated, "Some of them stepped their feet on her pictures. They've gone too far. If they keep on doing it, they will have to face PDI Perjuangan supporters. I warn you, students, don't repeat your actions."14
Many Indonesians were appalled and some were frightened by these statements. As Hendardi of PBHI told Human Rights Watch, "Megawati is trying to use the articles, not just the hate sowing articles...it is a trend. She's not clear if she is a democrat. She only sees the ripping of the photos, but not the substance of the criticism."
Johnson Panjaitan, another noted defense lawyer from PBHI in Jakarta, said that: "We are actually setting up a program to anticipate the situation getting worse. This is a clear policy of Megawati's. Since Nanang's case the police have become increasingly harsh against all student actions."15
Restrictions on freedom of expression in Indonesia also appear to be extending to the press. In February 2003, two editors of Rakyat Merdeka, a popular daily newspaper, were summoned by the police over an article which allegedly insulted the president. Minister of Manpower Jacob Nuwawea publicly accused the newspaper of being too critical of PDI-P and its supporters, and was quoted as threatening the paper by saying, "Rakyat Merdeka, I warn you not to write [articles] that abuses PDI Perjuangan. If they insist to insult PDI Perjuangan leaders, they will have to face thousands of PDI Perjuangan supporters." 16
The exact number of cases in which non-violent political opponents of the Megawati government have been arrested, tried, and convicted is difficult to establish in this far-flung archipelago where information does not always make its way back to the center. However, it is clear that this phenomenon is widespread and on the increase. To illustrate this trend, Human Rights Watch highlights in detail seven cases and summarizes eight others.
Nanang Mamija and Muzakkir
This demonstration was staged in front of the Presidential Palace on Jalan Merdeka Utara in Jakarta. It had been organized by GPK and STN, two small activist organizations.17 About thirty people gathered to protest poverty and violations of the rights of the poor in Indonesia. More specifically, the demonstrators demanded that President Megawati step down in light of rising oil, gas, and fuel prices.
This was not the first demonstration of this kind, and some of the participants had participated in many before, including at the same location earlier in the year. Nanang was one of the demonstrators. He told Human Rights Watch:
In front of the main group of demonstrators was a smaller group of people carrying out a performance art piece. They had painted their bodies in various colors to represent the suffering of Indonesia's masses. Several people also had slogans painted on their bodies, including the message "Mega Hamzah Haz Turun," (Megawati and [Vice-President] Hamzah Haz Step Down).
Four people were also carrying a "tandu" (sedan chair) raised on poles. On top of this chair was a poster of Megawati and Hamzah Haz. A large cross had been painted over their faces.
When the procession arrived in front of the palace two or three people started making speeches with a speakerphone. The demonstrators joined in and started chanting "Turunkan Megawati Soekarnoputri dan Hamzah Haz dan bentuk pemerintahan transisi," ("Bring Down Megawati Soekarnoputri and Hamzah Haz and form a transitional government").
The chair with the photos was then smashed onto the ground, and the photos were stamped on. Six of the art performers threw old uncooked rice onto the photos to symbolize the suffering of the masses, who were being forced to eat bad rice. Nanang and Muzakkir were part of the group of performance artists and were seen stamping on the photos. Muzakkir was also one of the "tandu" bearers.19
After the performance was finished the participants went home. No arrests were made at this time.
During the following week Indonesian newspapers published articles about the demonstration, with reactions from senior officials, including the Manpower Minister Jacob Nuwawea.20
A week after the demonstration, on June 30, 2002, Muzakkir was arrested. He was apprehended while busking at a set of traffic lights in Jakarta. Nanang was then arrested at his home on July 1, 2002. They were both questioned by Indonesian police at the central Jakarta police station, charged, and then held in detention until their trial. Nanang told Human Rights Watch:
Both men were charged under article 134 and article 55(1) of the Indonesian Criminal Code for deliberately insulting the president and vice-president of Indonesia. A subsidiary charge was also leveled against both men under article 137(1) and article 55(1) for intentionally making public a picture, or portrait, containing an insult against the president or vice-president.22 The indictment also referred to a third suspect named "Alam" and other persons unknown. To date the police apparently have failed to apprehend these other suspects.
The Indonesian newspaper Kompas followed Nanang and Muzakkir's case throughout their arrest and trial proceedings. At an early stage they concluded that the arrests were extraordinary as the police typically would have released the two men immediately and only kept them in detention because of President Megawati's public outburst against demonstrators. One of Nanang and Muzakkir's defense lawyers, Daniel Panjaitan, from LBH Jakarta, agreed and publicly stated: "This trial is only the result of Mrs. President's emotional feelings. It is true that there is a legal basis, but it has been a long time since these articles were used by Soeharto."23
Nanang and Muzakkir's trial started on August 21, 2002; the two men remained in detention for almost four months before the final decision was issued in their case on October 24, 2002.
In a statement read out in court by GPK, on behalf of the accused, they charged that the men were not being tried fairly, and that they had not committed a criminal act. Regarding the articles being used, they commented:
Because of the political significance of the charges on undermining freedom of expression in Indonesia, a defense coalition made up of several national NGOs was formed to act on behalf of Nanang and Muzakkir. The coalition was called Tim Advokasi Gerakan Rakyat (The Peoples' Movement Advocacy Team).25
Taufik Basari, one of the defense lawyers for this case, told Human Rights Watch that there was no flexibility in the application of the law during trial. He continued:
Basari also believed that the authorities, and the judge, were trying to set a precedent with this case. A guilty verdict would serve as a warning to other demonstrators of the risks inherent in public dissent. He told Human Rights Watch:
In their closing arguments, the defense summarized the case by saying:
At the close of trial the prosecutors asked for sentences of one year and four months for both individuals. On October 24, 2002, the judge found both men guilty and sentenced each to one year in prison, including time served, and a fine of Rp1,000 each.30
After the verdict, the defense filed a complaint with the Supreme Court that there were indications that the District Court judges had not acted independently in the case.31 At the time of writing Nanang and Muzakkir remain detained in Salemba Prison, Jakarta, pending the outcome of their appeal.
The charges specifically related to her involvement in scribbling over a portrait of President Megawati at the July 16 protest. According to the prosecution, Raihana led the six other demonstrators in carrying several banners, including one which read, "Replace Mega-Hamzah for Aceh freedom, form a Government of the poor People." 33 They also carried pictures of the president and vice president, which had been marked over with an "X."
Raihana's trial started on November 14, 2002, in the Banda Aceh District court. She was represented by the Aceh branch of Indonesia's Legal Aid Foundation. Each of the six other women who had been arrested at the same time as Raihana were called as witnesses for the prosecution.
On January 7, 2003, Raihana was found guilty and sentenced to six months of imprisonment. Because she had been in detention since July 16, 2002, she only had an extra nine days to serve before being released.
According to the Presiding Judge, Arsil Marwan, Raihana was found guilty for "attempting to topple the Megawati-Hamzah government." The judge continued by saying that "the defendant has disgraced the government's pride."34
After sentencing one of her defense lawyers, Rufriadi, head of LBH Aceh, stated, "The Indonesian government should fully support whatever Raihan[a] does, not instead imprison her. This means that the law is still taking sides with the authorities and not with the people."35
After leaving prison Raihana returned to chair ORPAD and continues to campaign for the rights of women in Aceh.
The demonstration started at about 2 p.m and some speeches were made. As part of a performance art piece, some of the demonstrators were also carrying a statue of Megawati, made out of bamboo and newspaper. According to the prosecution the statue was wearing an American style hat and had "IMF" written in large letters on it.37
During the course of the demonstration the statue was set alight and burned. The demonstrators had wanted the burning to represent the loss of faith of the people in the president. According to the prosecution, leaflets distributed before and during the demonstration showed that the burning of the statue was a planned part of the action. The leaflets stated: "Overthrow the Mega-Hamzah government, Dissolve the MPR-DPR, Form a poor peoples' government. Join with us!! Burn Megawati's statue at the IISEP campus, August 26, 2002, 2 p.m."38
After the burning of the statue, the demonstrators dispersed and some of them entered the university campus to rest. About half an hour later, those who remained left the campus in a convoy of three pick-up trucks, each holding about twenty people. While they were driving, speeches were made through megaphones from the trucks.
However, approximately one hundred meters from the campus, the third and final truck in the convoy was blocked by the police. The police arrested thirteen of the passengers and took them to the police station. Kias Tomo was one of those arrested, and was subsequently the only person detained overnight in the station and charged.
Kias Tomo was charged under articles 134 and 137(1) for insulting the president. The charges specifically related to his participation in the dousing and setting alight of the statue of President Megawati at the demonstration.
It is clear that the police were more organized to make arrests at this demonstration than at previous ones. They had come prepared with photographic and video equipment. Police say they have photographic evidence that Kias Tomo was the sole perpetrator of the burning of the statue. Kias Tomo told Human Rights Watch:
One of Kias Tomo's defense lawyers told Human Rights Watch that he believed the Nanang and Muzakkir cases were the watershed for arrests of demonstrators in Jakarta and that "the police were much more likely to now respond quickly to anti-Megawati actions." 40
In their first submission to the court the defense argued that the burning of the statue of Megawati was part of a performance piece, and therefore should be classified as art. They argued that performance art was part of the cultural rights of the population, which was protected by law. However, the defense was also aware that the purpose of the trial was political. They began their first statement to the court by saying:
The defense also argued that the continued detention of Kias Tomo was technically illegal, and not in compliance with the Indonesian Criminal Procedures Code, as the original detention warrant had expired on October 14, 2002. These submissions were rejected by the judge.
The South Jakarta District Court found Kias Tomo guilty of the charges and sentenced him to eight months of imprisonment.43
Billal Abubakar Ahmad Faugi44
During the course of the demonstration speeches were made, and a performance art piece was acted out. Four chairs were set up, each with a picture placed on it of Megawati, Hamzah Haz, Amien Rais (MPR Speaker) and Akbar Tandjung (DPR Speaker), respectively. The chairs were intended to depict the seats of power occupied by each of these individuals. The chairs were then destroyed, and the pictures were ripped up by some of the performance artists and members of the general audience.
After the chairs were destroyed they were replaced by rattan mats to symbolize that the seats of power had been replaced by a government for the poor. The demonstration was witnessed by the police, who were seen taking photographs of the event. After the demonstration finished peacefully, everyone left.
At about 5 p.m Billal was arrested by an officer from the central Jakarta police station while he was walking from the demonstration on his way home. He was not an organizer of the protest or one of the performance artists. He is however ethnically East Timorese and therefore visibly darker than most of the other participants. According to his defense lawyer, he stood out from the crowd. This may have been the reason he was the only one targeted for arrest by the police.45
Billal told Human Rights Watch:
Billal explained that he thought he was the only one arrested because:
Billal was then taken alone to the police station and placed in a detention room. "There were several policemen there asking for money. Three policemen hit me all over my body asking for money. I was there, in room twenty-eight, until August 28, and then transferred to Salemba prison." 48
Billal was charged under article 134 of KUHP, for drawing over and ripping up the photo of Vice-President Hamzah Haz at the July 30 PRD demonstration. A subsidiary charge was also leveled under article 137(1), for intentionally making public a picture or portrait containing an insult against the vice-president.49
Billal claims that he had not in fact joined in with the performance art piece, or even watched it, as he was busy distributing PRD leaflets to the rest of the crowd. No other arrests or charges have subsequently been made against any other participant of the demonstration.
In a submission to the court during the trial, the defense argued that the use of articles 134 and 137 of the Indonesian Criminal Code was undemocratic and outdated. They referred to the recent sentencing of Nanang and Muzakkir, as the "ringing of death bells for democracy and reform" in Indonesia. With reference to Billal's case they argued:
At the close of his trial, Billal was found guilty of the charges and sentenced to one year in prison by the Central Jakarta Court. At the time of writing he remained in Salemba prison awaiting the outcome of his appeal.51
M. Iqbal Siregar52
Iqbal was charged under articles 134 and 137 (1) of KUHP for insulting President Megawati, and for intentionally making public a picture, or portrait, containing an insult against the president.
According to the indictment, Iqbal is a member of the Islamic Youth Movement (GPI) and had participated in the January 15 demonstration along with members of several other groups.53 He was accused of carrying a poster of President Megawati at the demonstration, in which she is depicted wearing a red blouse with both of her eyes blacked out. Written over the poster were the words "Buronan Rakyat" (The Peoples' Fugitive). Iqbal was also accused of carrying the poster above the heads of nearby demonstrators and inciting them to start chanting "Inilah Presiden Yang Mengecewakan Rakyat" ("this is the president who disappoints the people").54
In a Kompas article, Iqbal was later quoted as telling his lawyers that he did not know who had brought the poster to the demonstration and that he was handed it when he arrived at the rally. He believes that his arrest was politically motivated.55
Iqbal's trial started on April 14, 2003, at the Central Jakarta District Court. The proceedings were presided over by Judge Kornelius Siahaan. Iqbal's defense team argued that the indictment was factually inaccurate, unclear, and misleading. They also emphasized the political nature of the charges and argued that the judge had a burden of responsibility to respect free expression and human rights. They stated:
The judge rejected the defense's submission and claimed that the indictment was legally sound and that the case would continue.
Iqbal has been in detention since his arrest and is being held at Salemba prison in Jakarta. On June 16 Iqbal was found guilty by the Central Jakarta District Court and sentenced to five months imprisonment. With time served he was due to be released the following week.57
On May 10, 2001, a bomb exploded at an Acehnese student boarding house in Manggarai, South Jakarta. During the following days, Sofyan Jacob, the head of the Metro Jaya police station, announced that SIRA was believed to be behind the attack.58
To counter these accusations and subsequent rumors, SIRA organized a press conference a week later to state its innocence. Two days later, police officers arrived at the SIRA office looking for documents. SIRA members claim that the police broke a window, seized documents and a computer, and took a leaflet upon which was printed "the government is neo-colonialist." SIRA claimed that this leaflet was left over from a SIRA demonstration in 2000.
A few days later, the police issued a summons for Faisal to appear at the police station for questioning. The summons was delivered via his defense team at PBHI. In response to the police summons, Faisal went to the police station with two of his defense lawyers. He told Human Rights Watch:
After questioning Faisal was released without charge. However, on August 2, 2001, the police issued a new summons for Faisal to go to the police station for further questioning. Faisal complied and again went to the station with two defense lawyers. While he was there the police issued a detention order and took him into custody.
Faisal was detained in the Metro Jaya police station until September 18, and then transferred to Salemba prison until April 17, 2002. He was charged with spreading hatred against the government under articles 154, 155 (1) and 64 (1) of the Indonesian Criminal Code.60 The charges were not in relation to the bombing of the Acehnese boarding house in Jakarta.
According to the prosecutor's indictment, the key accusations against Faisal Saifuddin were that on November 9, 2000, he led a demonstration in front of the United Nations office in Jakarta and also participated in a subsequent demonstration on November 13, 2000. At the demonstrations, flyers were distributed, including one dated November 8, signed by Faisal Saifuddin and by Muzakkir M., the Secretary of SIRA-Jakarta. The flyer allegedly accused the "neo-colonialist government of Indonesia" of crimes against humanity and "suppressing the basic rights and human dignity of the people of Aceh." It ended with an appeal to "the U.N. and the international community to press both the neo-colonialist government of Indonesia and GAM to implement a ceasefire and stop the violence in Aceh."61
The language in the flyer appears to have been the government's sole legal rationale for the conviction and one-year sentence. The prosecutors had asked for a two-year sentence. Faisal told Human Rights Watch, "This statement was issued in the press at the time of the demonstration, and widely reported on. So, why was I not arrested then? Also, other people were arrested from the boarding house for the actual bomb incident."62
During the trial his accusations were more blunt. He stated:
Faisal was released from prison on April 17, 2002, after serving eight months and fifteen days of his one-year sentence. Because of legal technicalities in his case, he was released prior to his appeal hearing being completed. On May 15, 2002, the Supreme Court in Jakarta upheld his original sentence and ordered him to return to prison to serve the remainder of his sentence.
This was not the first time that Nazar had been arrested for expressing his political views. On November 20, 2000, Nazar was arrested and subsequently charged with "spreading hatred" against the Indonesian government. He was charged under articles 154 and 155 of the KUHP for hanging banners in favor of an independence referendum and against the Indonesian military during a campus rally the previous August. He was convicted in March 2001 and sentenced to ten months in prison. With time served, he was released by October 2001. His arrest, trial and conviction triggered widespread condemnation against Wahid's government, including from Human Rights Watch, for violating Nazar's right to free expression.66
Nazar was initially charged under article 10 of Law No. 9/1998 (on freedom of expression) for failing to notify the police of a rally held on January 9, 2003, in Lhokseumawe, Aceh. Nazar was also charged under article 510 of KUHP for causing public unrest. A spokesman for the Aceh provincial police clarified the charges, saying, "We arrested Nazar in connection with his campaign and speeches for a referendum for the province."67
Highlighting the importance of the arrest, Indonesia's National Military Chief, General Endriartono Sutarto, defended the arrest by implying that Nazar's activities had violated the tenuous ceasefire agreement which had been in place in Aceh since December 9, 2002. He claimed that SIRA's activities favored the armed separatists, GAM (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, Free Aceh Movement), warning that: "Those who incite the public to do things which violate the spirit of the [peace] agreement are acting against the law."68
The Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (COHA) between Indonesia and GAM signed on December 9, 2002, led to a cease-fire that opened up space for civil society to participate in building peace and monitoring the human rights situation in the province. Part of the COHA was an agreement to allow "civil society to express without hindrance their democratic rights."69
On February 28, 2003, the High Prosecutor's office in Banda Aceh authorized an extension of Nazar's detention for a further forty days. In an unusual development, the detention order also increased the allegations against Nazar by including the new charge of "spreading hatred" against the Indonesian government, under article 154 of KUHP.70
As the police had already prepared the arrest warrant before raiding Nazar's home on the night of February 12, 2003, the addition of extra charges appears to have been aimed at silencing key civil society leaders during the cease-fire.
Also disturbing was the news that on April 23, 2003, Nazar's defense lawyer, Johnson Panjaitan, the Secretary General of PBHI, was intimidated and harassed while in his hotel room in Banda Aceh by two Indonesian police intelligence officers, who claimed they were there as part of an anti-narcotics operation. The two men pointed a gun at Johnson and rifled through his documents and belongings. In the increasingly hostile environment in Aceh against civil society members, it is likely that this incident was directly related to Johnson's involvement in Nazar's case. The incident was reported to the police the next day, but no investigation appears to have taken place.71
In conjunction with Nazar's arrest, the police also issued a summons for several other civil society members in Aceh. Included in these was an arrest warrant for Kautsar bin Muhammad Yus,72 who has been named as a suspect for violating article 9 of Law2/1998 and article 510 of KUHP for holding a public event or rally without permission from the police or designated government official. The charges also relate specifically to the January 9, 2003, rally held in Lhokseumawe.
Kautsar spent four months in detention in late 2001 on charges of "spreading hatred" against the government. He was detained in July 2001 for alleged actions during an anti-Exxon Mobil rally in the province. In November 2001, in an unusual move by an Acehnese court, he was acquitted of all charges and released.
Nazar's trial started at the Banda Aceh District Court on April 17, 2003. At the time of writing he remained in detention while the future of his trial remained uncertain amidst the renewed military offensive against GAM.73
Ignas Kleruk Mau
At the time of writing he was awaiting the judge's verdict after trial. He remains in police custody in Manado.75
Andi Abdul Karim
According to reports in a local newspaper, the indictment charges that on October 28, 2002, Andi was involved in a demonstration in front of the South Sulawesi Provincial Parliament building and the Governor's office in Makassar. Several students were involved in the demonstration, which had been organized to protest against the president and vice-president to demand that education be carried out in a manner which was "cheap, scientific and democratic." 76
Andi was accused of carrying a poster of Megawati and Hamzah Haz, which he then allegedly incited two other demonstrators to burn by stating that Megawati and Hamzah were not suitable to be the president and vice-president of the Republic.
Andi was being represented at his trial by a team of lawyers from the Ujung Pandang Legal Aid Body.77 At the time of writing his case was ongoing.
Susyanti Kamil, An'am Jaya, Sahabuddin, Ansar Suherman, Hariansyah, Muhammad Akman, Hariansyah
They were arrested for insulting the president and vice-president by stamping on and then burning a poster of Megawati and Hamzah Haz at a demonstration two days earlier. Initial reports indicate that Hariansyah and one other had already been taken into detention on January 24 for failing to notify the police of the demonstration, as required under Indonesian Law No. 9/1998.
All six protestors were initially detained at Kendari Police Resort (Polres Kendari) and later transferred to Kendari Prison on March 19, 2003. They are believed to have been charged with insulting the president and vice-president under article 134 of KUHP and for spreading hatred against the government under articles 154 and 155 of KUHP.78
Yoyok79 and Mahendra80
Yoyok and Mahendra were accused of burning a poster of Megawati and Hamzah Haz at the demonstration and were charged under article 134 of KUHP.
PDI-P supporters, as well as SPI and PRD members attended in large numbers the trial which was presided over by Judge FX Jiwo Santosa at the Sleman, Yogyakarta District Court.
The prosecution asked for a three-year sentence for the two defendants. The judge issued his decision on April 28, 2003, and found both Mahendra and Yoyok guilty of insulting the president. In what appears to be an unprecedented heavy post-Soeharto era judgment, he sentenced them each to three years of imprisonment, to include time served.81
Although the official indictment has not yet been issued by prosecutors, it is believed that the charges will relate to a series of articles that Rakyat Merdeka ran throughout January 2003, comparing Megawati to a man called Soemanto. Soemanto is an Indonesian man who was arrested in Java in December 2002. He gained widespread notoriety by confessing to the crime of cannibalism and specifically for the killing and eating of one of his neighbors.
Rakyat Merdeka ran a series of headlines in January 2003 implying that the president was crueler than Soemanto for raising the prices of electricity, fuel and telephones earlier in the year.
Megawati announced her plans to sue the newspaper over the headlines at an editors lunch she hosted in Jakarta on March 22, 2003. At the lunch she said that the headlines comparing her to Soemanto had made her lose sleep.83
In November 2002, they were tried and found guilty of the charges in the Medan District Court, presided over by Judge Abd. Aziz Syarif. Judge Syarif sentenced them both to two years imprisonment. Both defendants were released pending appeal. The defense has so far been unable to file an appeal, because the judge retired and left for Jakarta before he had issued a written decision in the case.84
10 "Megawati Kecam Penginjak Foto Presiden dan Wapres," Kompas, July 9, 2002; "Megawati Kesal Fotonya Diinjak-injak," Warta Kota, July 9, 2002; "Mega: Bukannya Saya Takut," Suara Merdeka, July 9, 2003.
12 Marianne Kearney, "Megawati fumes over student protests," South China Morning Post, January 30, 2003; Berni Moestafa, "Ambiguous law separates criticism from insult," The Jakarta Post, January 30, 2003.
16 "Jacob threatens media, students not to criticize PDI-P," The Jakarta Post, February 23, 2003; "Police summon editor over article allegedly insulting Megawati: lawyer," Agence France-Presse, February 19, 2003.
25 The team was made up of lawyers from PBHI, LBH Jakarta, LBH Rakyat, KONTRAS (Komisi Untuk Orang Hilang dan Korban Tindak Kekerasan, Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence) and UPC (Urban Poor Consortium).
30 Trial Document: "Judge's Written Decision, Central Jakarta District Court, " November 18, 2002 (copy of Indonesian language original on file at Human Rights Watch); "Dua Demonstran Diganjar Setahun Penjara," Kompas, October 25, 2002.
33 "Raihana Dituduh Hina Presiden dan Wapres," www.koalisi-ham.org, October 30, 2002.
35 "Raihan di Vonis 6 Bulan Penjara," www.koalisi-ham.org, January 7, 2003.
53 Other groups attending the demonstration were the Reject Mega Alliance (Aliansi Tolak Mega, ATM), the Islamic Students' Association (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam), and the Student Executive Body (Badan Eksekutif Mahasiswa).
54 Trial Document: "Prosecutor's Indictment against M. Iqbal Siregar," March 26, 2003 (copy of Indonesian language original on file at Human Rights Watch); "Kejaksaan Segera Proses Perkara Penghinaan Presiden," Tempo Interaktif, March 20, 2003; "Activist Stands Trial for Insulting Megawati," The Jakarta Post, April 22, 2003.
61 Trial Document: "Prosecutor's indictment against Faisal Saifuddin," October 11, 2001 (copy of Indonesian language original on file at Human Rights Watch); Human Rights Watch, "Indonesia: Freedom of Expression Under Assault," A Human Rights Watch Press Release, January 18, 2002.
74 Human Rights Watch interview with ELSAM staff, Jakarta, November 14, 2003; "Bakar Patung Megawati Terjerat Pasal Haatzai Artikelen," www.hukumonline.com, January 6, 2003; "Menghina Mega, Memenjarakan Tapol," Kompas, August 31, 2002.
78 Amnesty International Indonesia UA, 92/03, April 7, 2003; "Dua aktivis GPK Diamankan," Kendari Pos Online, January 25, 2003; "Six activists arrested for insulting top leaders in Kendari, SE Sulawesi," The Jakarta Post, January 27, 2003; "Empat Pembakar Foto Presiden Jadi Buronan," Tempo Interaktif, January 27, 2003; "Penjara buat Para Aktivis Politik," Kompas, March 1, 2003.
81 Human Rights Watch email communications with LBH Yogyakarta, May 2003; "Dituduh Menghina Presiden dan Wapres, Dua Aktivis Ditangkap," Kompas, January 8, 2003; "Wakil DPRD Jenguk Dua Aktivis di Tahanan," Kompas, January 11, 2003; "Saksi Ahli Beratkan 2 Pembakar Foto Mega-Hamzah," www.detik.com, March 12, 2003; "Dua Terdakwa Kian Tersudut," www.detik.com, March 19, 2003; "Terdakwa Pembakar Gambar Mega Dikeroyok," Kompas, April 4, 2003; "Pembakar Gambar Presiden Dianiaya," Kedaulatan Rakyat, April 9, 2003; "Pembakar Gambar Presiden Dituntut 3 Tahun," Kedaulatan Rakyat, April 19, 2003; "Pembakar Gambar Presiden RI: Dihukum Tiga Tahun Penjara," Kedaulatan Rakyat, April 29, 2003; "Indonesians Given Jail Time for Burning Leaders' Pictures," Associated Press, April 28, 2003.
83 "Polisi Mengkriminalisasi Kritik Dari Pers," Tempo Interaktif, February 20, 2003; "President to sue daily for defamation," The Jakarta Post, March 22, 2003; "Tabloid Trouble," South China Morning Post, March 26, 2003; "Editor on Trial over Akbar caricature," ABC NewsOnline, March 7, 2003.