VI. CONCLUSION

In the twenty-five years since the reunification of the country, Vietnam has taken steps to curtail some human rights violations and has implemented social and economic reforms. Over the years, thousands of re-education camp inmates and political prisoners have been released, the country has become a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the government has permitted visits by U.N. delegations researching arbitrary detention and religious freedom. While there is little doubt that foreign pressure on human rights has factored into some of the decisions on how to treat well-known political and religious dissidents, the government has been anxious to resist the impression that it has been influenced by such forces. This concern, born of national pride and anxiety over politicalcontrol, has sometimes overridden a realistic appraisal of the cost of suppression of free speech and association to the country, in terms of its international standing, popular support within Vietnam, and the country's ongoing economic and social development.

Consequently, the Vietnamese government often reacts negatively to charges that it violates human rights or continues to hold political prisoners. In 1999, for example, the government denounced the findings of U.N. Special Rapporteur Abdelfattah Amor, whose report had criticized Vietnam's treatment of certain religious groups,47 and in March 1999 the authorities said that individuals or organizations who wished to visit Vietnam to conduct human rights or religious activities were not welcome.48 In August 1999 at the closing of the Central Committee Plenum, Party General Secretary Le Kha Phieu stated:

Our people won't allow any political power sharing with any other forces. Any ideas to promote `absolute democracy,' to put human rights above sovereignty, or support multi-party or political pluralism...are lies and cheating.49

Party leaders continue to focus on themes of defending socialism and attacking "hostile forces," rather than dealing with serious problems of corruption and a lack of transparent and accountable governance. At the last Party plenum in November 1999, Le Kha Phieu stated: "The twentieth century was the century of fighting for independence and moving towards socialism. The twenty-first century will be for firmly defending national independence and state sovereignty and building, consolidating and perfecting socialism."50

Since 1997, dissatisfaction in the provinces with graft and poverty has erupted in incidents of rural unrest and demonstrations, resulting in dismissal of dozens of lower-level provincial officials. It also has triggered greater governmental controls on dissent and the media. Addressing endemic corruption and allowing greater freedoms in society are intrinsically linked to the economic reforms needed to raise the standard of living of Vietnam's largely rural population.

While the Party has taken some steps to tackle graft over the last year and dismissed several high-level government officials, many of the people purged appear to be allied with those advocating economic liberalization. This leaves conservative members of the ruling Party, and the protected state-owned enterprises from which they benefit, largely in control. Such purges will not have a widespread impact until Vietnam grapples with the roots of the corruption problem, including low government salaries, executive control over the judiciary, lack of transparency of governmental actions, and the inability of any sector of society, particularly the media, to challenge the Party.

Government repression of dissent and organizational independence, while targeted at a relatively small number of prominent intellectuals, religious leaders, and associations serves as a clear deterrent to others thinking of speaking out. Restrictions of freedom of assembly, expression, and association make it difficult for citizens throughout Vietnam to raise concerns or for discontent to receive more than token attention from public officials.

Despite sporadic peasant protests in the countryside or in front of the National Assembly, most people still cannot safely speak their minds in Vietnam on matters perceived by the authorities as a threat to the state. As Tran Dostated in his letter to the government requesting permission to open a private newspaper, "People with ideas do not want to speak, do not dare to speak, do not know where to speak. They hold their silence in agony."