ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA
Antigua and Barbuda's Ambassador to the United States, His Excellency Lionel Hurst, signed the Mine Ban Treaty in Ottawa on 3 December 1997. At the signing ceremony, Amb. Hurst said that "the small countries of the Eastern Caribbean, possessing not a single landmine in their arsenals, have agreed to forego forever the acquisition and deployment of these very harmful instruments of war."(302)
Antigua and Barbuda has not yet ratified the treaty, but it states that the ratification process will be complete by May 1999.(303)
The government of Antigua and Barbuda has been one of the most prominent members of CARICOM in its support for the ban on antipersonnel landmines. Antigua and Barbuda was an active participant in the Ottawa Process, endorsing the Brussels declaration and attending the Oslo negotiations as a full participant. It voted in favor of the pro-ban 1996 and 1997 UN General Assembly resolutions on landmines, but was absent from the 1998 vote. It has supported the Organization of American States (OAS) resolutions on landmines which have passed by consensus.
To date, Antigua and Barbuda is the only Caribbean state, and one of only seven member states that have submitted their country report to the OAS Register of Anti-Personnel Land-Mines.(304)
Antigua and Barbuda is not mine-affected and has never produced, transferred, used or stockpiled antipersonnel mines.(305)
Mine Ban Policy
Argentina's Minister of Foreign Affairs Guido Di Tella signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 4 December 1997. Argentina has not yet ratified the treaty. In November 1998 Argentina's representative told the U.N. that the internal processes were underway and that ratification should occur shortly.(306) In January 1999, a Foreign Ministry spokesperson said that "the procedure for parliamentary approval is on course."(307)
Argentina participated in all of the ban treaty preparatory meetings, endorsed the pro-treaty Brussels Declaration, and took part in the Oslo negotiations. Argentina also voted in favor of the pro-ban UN General Assembly resolutions in 1996, 1997 and 1998, as well as the pro-ban resolutions of the Organization of American States (OAS).
Argentina's President Carlos Menem signed the Declaration of the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) on 14 July 1998. The sixth article of the Declaration commits signatories to move toward declaring MERCOSUR countries as zones free of antipersonnel landmines and to work to enlarge this zone to include the entire Western Hemisphere.
Argentina is a party to the 1980 Convention on Conventional Weapons, and ratified amended Protocol II on landmines on 21 October 1998. Argentina is a member of the Conference on Disarmament and has supported efforts to address the problem of antipersonnel mines in that forum. Argentina was one of twenty-two CD members that in February 1999 jointly called for the appointment of a Special Coordinator on AP mines, and the establishment of an Ad Hoc Committee to negotiate an export ban.(308)
Production, Transfer, Stockpiling, and Use
Argentina is a former producer and exporter of antipersonnel mines. In the past, it manufactured three types of antipersonnel mines: the FMK-1 plastic blast mine, the MAPG pressure or trip-wire initiated mine, the MAPPG bounding mine.(309) Production took place at the Direccion General of Fabricaciones Militares (FM) of the Ministry of Defense.
On 27 March 1995, Argentina adopted a five-year moratorium on "the export, sale or transfer of all antipersonnel landmines without exception."(310) There is little information on which countries Argentina exported AP mines to prior to the moratorium. However, according to press reports, several months before the moratorium was announced, Fabricaciones Militares of Argentina sold Croatia 5,750 antipersonnel and antitank mines.(311) This sale caused a scandal because the it was made during a UN weapons embargo against Croatia.
Based on mines found in the Falklands/Malvinas, it appears that Argentina has imported AP mines from Israel, Italy and Spain. The United Nations indicates that these antipersonnel mines were used: No. 4 (Israel), SB-33 (Italy), and PB4 (Spain).(312)
Details on the size and composition of Argentina's stockpile of AP mines are not available.
Chile has acknowledged laying large numbers of mines on the Chile-Argentina border, but it is not known if Argentina has also used mines there. Argentina used mines during the Falklands/Malvinas War in 1982. The Foreign Ministry has said that the only part of Argentina that is mine affected is the Malvinas Islands.(313) (See separate report on Falklands/Malvinas).
In a November 1998 statement to a UN General Assembly session concerning mine action , Argentina vowed "to contribute to the solution of the problem caused by antipersonnel mines, through national, regional and global action."(314) Argentina helps other countries clear landmines through planning, direction, supervision and advising.(315) Moreover, the Argentine Training Center for Peace Operations (CAECOPAZ) provides semi-annual courses on demining, and humanitarian assistance.
Mine Ban Policy
Brazil's Deputy Minister of Foreign Relations, Sebastião do Rego Barros Neto, signed the Mine Ban Treaty 3 December 1997. Brazil has not yet ratified the treaty but on 23 March 1999, ratification legislation was passed through the Lower House (Congress) and sent to the Senate with urgency.(316) Brazilian non-governmental organizations have been lobbying for speedy ratification.(317)
At the treaty signing, the Deputy Minister remarked that "every one of the countries that are signing the Convention here in Ottawa have had to make internal accommodations and adjustments in military doctrine with a view to making the ban a reality."(318) Brazil was initially somewhat cool toward the Ottawa Process. It attended the October 1996 meeting which launched the Ottawa Process only as an observer. On 10 December 1996 it voted in favor of UN General Assembly 51/45S urging states to vigorously pursue an international agreement banning antipersonnel landmines (passed 156-0 ) . On 20 December 1996 the Brazilian Ministry of External Relations sent a communication to its Canadian counterpart stating its commitment to a comprehensive ban agreement, but noting, "Brazil would accept to take part in eventual negotiations with an independent forum--as the one created with the Ottawa Process--if this forum had a massive support of the international community."(319)
By mid-1997 Brazil had embraced the ban treaty, and joined the Ottawa Process Core Group just prior to the Brussels Conference of 24-27 June. Brazil endorsed the pro-ban treaty Brussels Declaration and attended the Oslo negotiations as a full participant. During the Oslo negotiations, Brazil's Ambassador Jose Viegas Filho played an key role in chairing the working group on international cooperation. Brazil supported the pro-treaty 1997 and 1998 UN General Assembly resolutions on landmines.
Brazil joined the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) on 3 October 1995 but has yet to ratify its amended Protocol II on landmines. On 23 March 1999, CCW Protocol II ratification legislation was passed through the Congress and sent to the Senate.(320)
To date, Brazil has not provided information to the OAS Landmines Register.(321)
Production, Transfer, Stockpiling and Use
Brazil is a former producer and exporter of landmines. It produced two types of antipersonnel landmines, the NM AE T1 and the T-AB-1.(322) In December 1997, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso said, "For years antipersonnel mines haven't been produced in Brazil."(323)
The NM AE T1 antipersonnel mine, which was produced by Brazil's Quimica Tupan South America, has been described as "one of the world's cheapest mines," selling at approximately U.S.$ 5.80 per mine.(324) Quimica Tupan began to manufacture landmines in 1978.(325) The T-AB-1 was produced by Britanite Industrias Quimicas Ltda.(326) It appears that Brazil also has Claymore-type directional fragmentation mines, but it is not known if these were domestically produced or imported.(327)
According to the government, Brazil has not exported antipersonnel landmines since 1984.(328) In its speech to the opening of the 51st United Nations General Assembly on 23 September 1996, Brazil announced the adoption of a formal moratorium on the export of antipersonnel landmines for four years, renewable for the same period.(329)
There is no available information on Brazilian importation of AP mines. Likewise, no details are available on the size or composition of Brazil's AP mine stockpile.
Brazil shares borders with mine-affected countries, but there is no evidence that Brazil planted mines on its borders, nor in the Brazilian Amazon, even though that area is affected by many conflicts involving the indigenous peoples, landowners, illegal mining and timber wood operations, drug cultivation and trafficking. But allegations of landmine use by landholders in North Parana to keep out the "landless" (Sem Terra) are currently under investigation by the Human Rights Commission of the Lower House of Deputies.(330)
Brazil is not mine-affected. In December 1997, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso said, "Brazil is a mine-free country. These 'silent killers' never found a fertile soil in national territory."(331)
Brazil has actively participated in international humanitarian mine action on a bilateral and multilateral basis. It has contributed $3,000 to the UN Voluntary Trust Fund for Assistance in Mine Clearance,(332) but most of its contributions have been in-kind services.
On 10 November 1997, Brazil and Argentina signed a joint declaration supporting Mercosul. The agreement included a commitment to mine clearance efforts in South America.(333)
A "Declaration of Intent on Co-operation in International Demining Activities," concluded shortly after the December 1997 signing ceremonies, commits Canada and Brazil to working together to help third countries remove landmines from their territories, and to assist victims of landmines, in particular their reintegration into society.(334)
The Brazilian Army has participated in mine clearance in Nicaragua, Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala through the OAS programme. According to the Brazilian Army magazine, Verde Oliva: "In 1991 the general-secretary of the OAS, Brazilian Ambassador João Clemente Baena Soares, received a formal request from the government of Nicaragua to locate and destroy encrusted mines in Nicaragua's soil. Starting in 1993 the Programa Nicaraguense trained sappers of the Ejercito Popular Sandinista. The Brazilian Army participated in an international group of instructors and supervisors collaborating on mine clearance and training operations. From 1994 to 1997 the international group of instructors and supervisors were commanded by three Brazilian Army officers."(335)
The Brazilian Army assisted in mine clearance in Angola from September 1995 to July 1997 and Brazilian military personnel remain in Angola assisting the clearance program.(336) The Companhia de Engenharia da Força de Paz of the Brazilian Army cleared areas including the Luximbe River bank.
There have been some Brazilian landmine casualties from its participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations and mine clearance efforts.(337) Brazil has disability laws and a variety of rights for people with disabilities.
Mine Ban Policy
Chile's Minister of Defense Edmundo Perez Yoma signed the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty on 3 December 1997 and stated, "We are aware that our work does not finish here, in Ottawa. Chile will completely fulfill the obligations of this Treaty, in the terms it establishes. It will be an additional step in the changes that are taking place in the Americas region after the Cold War, where we are assisting in an auspicious process of creating new links, especially in South America."(338)
Chile has not yet ratified the ban treaty. Ratification legislation was approved by the House of Deputies in October 1998 and is currently before the Senate. Its review was delayed by the summer recess and other issues. Some Congressional deputies criticized the decision to sign the treaty by arguing that removal of mines along the northern border (especially between Boundary Posts 1 and 14, from Arica to Antofagasta) would "facilitate drug trafficking in northern Chile, weaken Chile's national defenses, and divert substantial resources."(339)
Chile participated in all of the ban treaty preparatory meetings, endorsed the pro-treaty Brussels Declaration, and took part in the Oslo negotiations. Uruguay also voted in favor of the pro-ban UN General Assembly resolutions in 1996, 1997 and 1998, as well as the pro-ban resolutions of the Organization of American States (OAS).
Chile is also in the process of ratifying the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) and its amended Landmine Protocol. At the treaty signing ceremonies Perez Yoma remarked that "Chile thinks both instruments are a significant contribution to creating an atmosphere of real confidence and transparency in the international community."(340)
Chile is a member of the Conference on Disarmament and is committed to "persist in our efforts to ensure that the Conference on Disarmament complements the progress that [the Mine Ban] Treaty represents."(341) Chile was one of twenty-two CD members that in February 1999 jointly called for the appointment of a Special Coordinator on AP mines, and the establishment of an Ad Hoc Committee to negotiate an export ban.(342)
On 14 July 1998, Chilean President Eduardo Frei signed the Political Declaration of the Southern Commercial Market (MERCOSUR). MERCOSUR was founded by Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay. In the sixth point of the MERCOSUR document, governments agree "to work towards being able to declare MERCOSUR, Bolivia and Chile zones free of antipersonnel landmines and propose to enlarge this zone to include the entire Western Hemisphere."
Production, Transfer, Stockpiling, and Use
According to the Foreign Ministry, Chile has not produced or exported antipersonnel mines since 1985.(343) In the past, Chile produced the following antipersonnel mines: the MAP II blast mine; the MAPP 78 F-2 fragmentation mine (pressure activated and tripwire versions); another fragmentation mine without nomenclature; and three directional fragmentation mines (Claymore-types)--the M18, M18A1, and one without nomenclature.(344) They were manufactured by both the publicly-owned FAMAE (Fabricaciones Militares Facilities) and the private company Industrias Cardoen.(345) Cardoen made M18, MAP II, and the two fragmentation mines without nomenclature. The Foreign Ministry states that it no longer produces any antipersonnel mines, including Claymore-types.(346)
Information on which countries Chile exported mines to is not available. It is known that Chile imported 300,000 M14 antipersonnel mines from the United States in 1975.(347) The M14 is a small, plastic, hard-to-detect, blast mine that is prohibited by both the Mine Ban Treaty and the CCW.
Details on the size and composition of Chile's antipersonnel mine stockpile are not available. The Army and Navy are exploring options to come up with a timetable for destruction of stockpiled antipersonnel landmines once Chile ratifies the treaty.(348)
The Foreign Ministry states that Chile no longer uses antipersonnel mines, though it has laid them on its borders in the past.(349)
In September 1997, a Defense Ministry official said that Chile has planted nearly one million antitank and antipersonnel landmines on Chile's borders with Argentina, Bolivia and Peru.(350) Other estimates have ranged between 500,000 and one million.(351) According to the government, the mined areas are "perfectly marked" to ensure the effective exclusion of civilians, and thus a mine awareness education program would not be necessary.(352)
Many of the mines were laid in Patagonia during the 1978 crisis between Argentina and Chile. Over 800 hectares of land were mined on the border with Peru during a 1975 crisis.(353) One of the mined areas is located near Paso Tromen, about 70 kilometers from Junin de los Andes, a very important tourist city situated near the Lanin volcano. An estimated 80,000 landmines laid by Chile lie in an area of around 10,000 square meters between the towns of Todos los Santos and the Salar de Uyuni.(354)
There are several casualties to landmines every year in Chile but the exact number is unknown. In July 1998, the Arica police confirmed that a 17-year-old Peruvian who was attempting to enter Chile illegally lost his right leg when he stepped on a landmine.(355) Livestock and wildlife also fall casualty to mines in Chile's border areas.
On 8 September 1997, Eduardo Santos, adviser to the Chilean Ministry of Defense, estimated that it would take between five and ten years to remove the nearly one million mines on Chile's borders, at a cost of approximately U.S.$ 300 million.(356)
On 31 October 1997, the Chilean ambassador in Buenos Aires, Eduardo Rodriguez Guarachi, said that his country "had made the political decision to eliminate the antipersonnel mines" on the border with Argentina.(357) "Though it is not something easily done, Chile is determined and will make a resolute contribution to put an end to this serious problem," he said.
On 1 July 1998, Minister of Defense Raul Troncoso testified to Chile's Commission of Defense of the Lower House that Chile could not yet clear the mines on the border because of the high cost.(358) Deputy Francisco Encina, President of the Commission, stated that the difficult Chilean economic situation made it very difficult to remove all the landmines quickly, but suggested improving warning signs, especially in national parks.(359) The Army is studying the best solution to the clearance problem and is considering purchase of mine detector vehicles.(360)
Chile contributes to international humanitarian mine action by providing military personnel to mine clearance efforts, including under the OAS program in Central America.
Colombia is one of the relatively small number of Mine Ban Treaty signatories that is actively engaged in conflict. Colombia's ongoing, fifty-year-old internal armed conflict is clearly an obstacle to rapid and effective implementation of the ban treaty. The three largest guerrilla groups are: the FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces Army), the UC-ELN (Unión Camilista-Ejército Nacional de Liberación Nacional, National Liberation Army) and the EPL (Ejército Popular de Liberación, Popular Liberation Army). There are also numerous paramilitary organizations. During this internal conflict, antipersonnel mines have been used by the Colombian armed forces and several guerrilla groups, including the FARC and UC-ELN.
Mine Ban Policy
Colombia's Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Camilo Reyes Rodriguez signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 4 December 1997. Colombia has not yet ratified the treaty, even though it was a member of the Core Group of nations which steered the Ottawa Process. Colombia participated in all of the ban treaty preparatory meetings, endorsed the pro-treaty Brussels Declaration, and took part in the Oslo negotiations. It also voted in favor of the pro-ban UN General Assembly resolutions in 1996, 1997 and 1998, as well as the pro-ban resolutions of the Organization of American States (OAS).
The ratification process is under way according to the requirements of the Colombian National Constitution. The legislative process for international treaties requires a more extensive process than other legislation; the ratification legislation must pass through three debates in the Congress, and as of March 1999, the legislation was in the second debate. It is hoped that the process will be completed during the first session of the year 2000.
However, some members of the Second Commission of the Senate, which studies all international affairs and agreements relating to Colombia, have stated that it will not ratify the Mine Ban Treaty until the government wins from the guerrillas a commitment to destroy antipersonnel mines under their control.(361) Several senior Colombian military officials have also indicated that ratification may not be feasible until the conflict is resolved, or alternatives to mines are found. The Colombian delegate to the January 1999 Mexico City Regional Seminar on Landmines, Colonel José Manuel Castro, stated that "[a]lthough Colombia signed the Mine Ban Treaty, and is willing to ratify it, we have to say that our position is particularly difficult because of being a country in war."(362)
As the process toward ratification continues, the Ministry of Defense is already beginning to change its doctrine and training manuals to take into account non-use of antipersonnel mines. It is also developing the country's domestic demining capacity and searching for alternative means to protect infrastructure.(363) The Commander of the Army, General Fernando Tapias, has committed the Army to remove approximately 20,000 antipersonnel mines that the Army has planted all over the country to protect the country's military and communications infrastructure.(364)
Colombia is not a party to the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW), but legislation to ratify the CCW and its 1996 amended Protocol II on mines is currently before the Congress.(365) Colombia is also a member of the Conference on Disarmament, but has not been a noted supporter or opponent of efforts to launch negotiations on antipersonnel mines in that forum. Colombia was not one of twenty-two CD members that in February 1999 jointly called for the appointment of a Special Coordinator on AP mines, and the establishment of an Ad Hoc Committee to negotiate an export ban.(366)
Though never before publicly acknowledged, Colombia has been a producer of antipersonnel mines. Antipersonnel mines were produced at Industria Militar (INDUMIL), a Colombian government facility.(367) The Ministry of Defense instructed INDUMIL to cease its production in 1996.(368)
INDUMIL produced one type of antipersonnel mine in two versions: the MN-MAP-1, a plastic blast copper percussion mine equipped with a charge of pentolite 60 grams, a IM-M8 detonator with red explosive, a hammer and a total weight of 200 grams; and the MN-MAP-2, an antipersonnel mine simulator used for military practice which has a perforated plastic body, an inert charge, a IM-M9 detonator with a bronze simulator and percussion cap, an iron percussion hammer and a total weight of 140 grams. Both mines require 35 kilograms of pressure to explode and are identical in appearance with a red copper shattering pin of 1mm., a diameter of 75 mm., height of 70 mm., and a security system of forked pole and plate spin.(369) There is no available information on the quantities produced or production costs of these antipersonnel mines.
Nearly all the major guerrilla groups have acknowledged publicly that they are not only users but also manufacturers of the so-called "Minas Quiebrapatas" (Legbreaker mines).(370) The Colombian military have identified and denounced in several documents and declarations the production of antipersonnel mines by Colombian guerrilla groups. (371)
Most of these mines are homemade using cheap and easy to find materials and come in various forms. Some production is believed to be done in a semi-industrial way. Between 1993 and 1995, the Colombian Army destroyed approximately 17,000 antipersonnel mines manufactured by the ELN in the "Talleres de Armamento Popular" (Factories of Popular Weapons).(372)
The common "Legbreaker" mine is manufactured mainly by the ELN, using materials including PVC, wire for electric installation, a plastic bag, an AA battery, sulfuric acid, nails, staples, clips and other sharp material, explosive and gunpowder. "Kleimor" mines are homemade versions of the U.S. Claymore directional fragmentation antipersonnel mine. These mines are also called "Cazabobos"(Fool Hunters). M-Klim mines are made with materials such as a tin can, an electric explosive, dynamite, and a battery. Other antipersonnel mines used by non-state actors in Colombia include the Propelled Mine or Charge and the "Bomba Elena."(373)
Mines (and Improvised Explosive Devices) are also made and used by non-combatants. In several parts of the country such as Chocó, farmers make their own kinds of antipersonnel mines for different reasons, including to protect their crops from animals and from theft.(374) These mines are often called "pig mines" and are very cheap and easy to manufacture. They can be made with syringes filled with explosive or hollowed canes filled with explosive and sealed with excrement.(375)
Colombia is not believed to have ever exported antipersonnel mines, though it has never adopted a formal moratorium on export.
According to U.S. government documents, Colombia imported 12,132 antipersonnel mines from the U.S. That includes 6,030 M14 blast mines in 1974, and 6,102 M18A1 Claymore mines in 1989-1991.(376) Colombia confirms that it did import Claymore mines from the United States.(377) It is not known if Colombia has imported mines from other nations as well.
Detailed information on the size or composition of the Colombian stockpile of antipersonnel mines is not available. There have been no official declarations on stockpiles, but Colonel José Manuel Castro, legal consultant for the Ministry of National Defense, stated that the Colombian Armed Forces have mines in stockpile and that "the Ministry wants to search for alternatives to destroy them as soon as possible."(378)
When it ceased production, INDUMIL still retained 2,220 weapons; these mines were subsequently destroyed by the Military Industry.(379) The Colombian Army has also reportedly destroyed a considerable number of antipersonnel mines belonging to the Colombian guerrillas. Between 1993 and 1995, the Second Mobile Brigade of the National Army found and destroyed an estimated 17,000 antipersonnel mines that were either hidden or laid.(380) In 1993 2,000 antipersonnel mines were reported destroyed in the Department of Bolivar, while in the zone of Santander an average of fifteen antipersonnel mines are reportedly destroyed each week. In 1995, in Serranía de Micoahumado, 100 antipersonnel mines were destroyed.(381)
Neither the Ministry of National Defense, nor the General Command for the Armed Forces, have provided a timetable for destruction of the stockpiles, and there is no information available about the possible methods of destruction, the location where this process could take place, or the cost of the destruction of the stockpiles.(382)
There is no comprehensive information available on the quantities or types of stockpiled mines held by Colombia's non-state actors.
Colombian armed forces have used antipersonnel mines primarily to protect military and communications infrastructure. Mines were laid as soon as construction of an installation, or an electrical tower for example, was finished and then maintained for an indefinite period.(383) The Commander of the Army, General Fernando Tapias, has indicated that the Army laid approximately 20,000 antipersonnel mines all over the country, and has now ordered their removal.(384) Members of the armed forces claim that all mined areas are well marked to ensure the effective exclusion of civilians.(385) Military regulations oblige the official in charge of the mined area to periodically review the area and to remove mines when necessary.(386)
There are no known instances of new laying of antipersonnel mines by the Colombian Army since Colombia signed the ban treaty in December 1997.
Several guerrilla groups, as well as paramilitary groups, have used and are still using antipersonnel mines. The most frequent user of antipersonnel mines in Colombia is the UC-ELN. The UC-ELN have been identified as using landmines in populated areas of Antioquia, Arauca, and Santander, among others.(387) The UC-ELN uses several types of antipersonnel mines including Claymore-type mines, Chinese-type mines called Chinese or Vietnamese "hats" (sombreros chinos o vietnamitas), and so-called "foot-breaker" (quiebrapata) mines. These are generally manufactured in UC-ELN camps.(388)
The July 1998 "Heaven's Door Agreement" between the UC-ELN and representatives of Colombian civil society, under the auspices of Colombian and German Catholic bishops, stated, "Mines to deliberately kill or mutilate civilians will not be used," and committed the parties to promoting "ratification of the Ottawa Treaty for banning the use of antipersonnel landmines in the Colombian Congress." But it also reflected compromise language committing the parties to "no longer plant antipersonnel mines in high-risk areas for the civilian population."(389)
FARC has also regularly employed mines, but there is no evidence that EPL is a user of antipersonnel mines. In 1996, FARC confirmed to Human Rights Watch that it uses landmines.(390) According to the Ninth Conference of FARC, held in 1993, antipersonnel mines are used to prevent the advancement of troops, and to create confusion and fear in the enemy.(391) According to their 1993 code, FARC commanders and combatants are instructed to remove all mines laid in a given area when they change position and leave that area.(392)
Mines have also been laid around the country's oil export pipeline by the guerrillas.(393) Various non-state actors have declared that civilians are aware of the warning signals of the presence of mines.(394) The ICRC in Colombia has conducted missions to ask guerrillas to mark the areas where they use mines.(395)
Antipersonnel mines are also being used to protect illegal drug plantations.(396) Ordinary citizens also use mines and Improvised Explosive Devices; in several parts of the country such as Chocó, farmers use mines to protect their crops from animals and from theft.(397)
There has not been an objective, impartial and in-depth assessment of the extent of the Colombia's landmine problem. A two-year old proposal for an in-depth assessment under the auspices of one of the major universities has not obtained the necessary resources to proceed. It is nearly impossible to find official or unofficial records of mined areas, including maps. While the Armed Forces claim to have maps of the zones mined by them, because of national security reasons they are not available.(398) Neither the government nor Colombian or international NGOs know the real number of mines in the ground, the areas of mined land or the number and location of landmine victims. Available sources are the Armed Forces, the International Committee of the Red Cross, Colombian Red Cross, churches, news media reports and the victims, their families and communities.(399)
Colombia is made up of thirty departments comprising approximately 1,050 municipalities. According to the Office for Special Issues of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, at least 125 municipalities in eighteen departments are mine-affected.(400) Data from the Armed Forces, the media (especially El Tiempo), the Colombian Commission of Jurists, and the ICRC, indicates that at least twenty-one departments are mine-affected in the five regions of Colombia: the Caribbean, Andean, Amazonia, Orinoquia and Pacific regions.(401)
In the Caribbean region at least five departments are mine-affected:
1. Bolivar including the isolated mountainous areas of Serranía de Micoahumado and Serranía de San Lucas, and the municipalities of Simití, Morales, Rosa, Santo Domingo, San Jacinto, San Juan Nepomuceno, El Carmen de Bolivar, Magangué, Montecristo, Bodega Central;
2. Cesar including municipalities of Codazzi, Becerril, Curumaní and Serranía de los Motilones, an isolated mountainous area;
3. Sucre including municipalities of San Onofre, Tolu Viejo and Ovejas;
4. Cordoba including the municipality of Tierralta;
5. Guajira including the municipality of San Juan del Cesar.
In the Andean region at least eight departments are mine-affected:
1. Antioquia Occidental including municipalities of Remedios, El Bagre, Segovia, Zaragoza, Amalfi, Maceo, San Roque, San Francisco, Itagui, Urrao and La Granja;
2. Cauca including the mountainous area of Nudo de Almaguer, and municipalities of Balboa and El Bordo;
3. Santander including municipalities of San Vicente de Chucurí, El Carmen de Chucurí, La Mugrosa, Barrancabermeja, Matanza and Betulia;
4. Norte de Santander including municipalities of Hacarí and Convención;
5. Nariño including areas of Galeras and Cumbal, both volcanos in the Andean Cordillera;
6. Huila including the municipality of Guadalupe;
7. Tolima including the municipalities of Chaparral, Alpujarra and Dolores;
8. Cundinamarca including the municipalities of Sumapaz and Medina.
In the Amazonian region at least three departments are mine-affected:
1. Putumayo including the municipalities of Mocoa, Puerto Asis and Orito;
2. Caquetá including the municipalities of San Vicente del Caguán, Florencia, Milán and Puerto Rico;
3. Guaviare including the municipalities of Calamara and Miraflores.
In the Orinoquia region at last two districts are mine-affected:
1. Arauca including the municipalities of Saravena, Tame, Fortul, Arauquita and La Esmeralda;
2. Meta including the municipality of San Juanito;
In the Pacific region, at least three districts are mine-affected:
1. Antioquia Oriental including the municipalities or areas of Necoclí, Turbo, Apartadó, Chigorodó and Mutatá;
2. Chocó including the municipality of Unguía;
3. Valle including the municipality of Jamundí.
No survey or study has been made on the broader effects of mined or suspected mined land on communities, but more than 30,000 families are thought to have left their homes because of the presence of landmines.(402) Colombia is primarily an agricultural country, therefore the population most affected by landmines are peasants who have to abandon their lands and normal way of life because of the presense of uncleared mines and violence in general. This leaves Colombia with relatively few farmers, cattle raisers, and people in the rural regions to develop the country. It has resulted in migration of the displaced rural population to urban areas where poverty is growing and economic recession is more evident day by day. Colombia's rural population would therefore benefit greatly from mine clearance.
There are no official humanitarian mine clearance programs underway in Colombia. All mine clearance is currently undertaken by the National Army and is primarily military, not humanitarian, in its purpose. It is usually conducted during combat situations.(403)
The Commander of the Army, General Fernando Tapias, has ordered the removal of the approximately 20,000 antipersonnel mines laid by the Army all over the country.(404) But no timetable has been established, and no clearance of government-laid mines has occurred since the signing of the Mine Ban Treaty.(405) General Tapias has estimated that the cost of clearing Colombia's landmines could be as high as U.S.$37 million.(406)
Fifty-two Colombian military mine action experts, trained by the Colombian Military Forces, are working on the OAS mine clearance program in Nicaragua.(407)
The Colombian Government has not initiated any mine awareness campaigns or programs but it has co-funded two important initiatives. The UNICEF-Colombian Red Cross mine awareness education program called "We All Have the Right To Put Our Feet On The Ground" (Todos Tenemos Derecho a Tener los Pies en la Tierra) was initiated in 1996. This initiative has assisted several communities to live with the threats posed by landmines.(408) There is also the "Project of Communication for the Problem of Disability because of Explosive Artifacts," which is developing an awareness campaign on disability due to conflict.(409)
In general, civil society is unaware of the extent of the damage landmines cause to Colombia. With the exception of the new Campaña Colombiana Contra Minas, there is virtually no pressure on government or non-state actors to stop laying mines, to clear the mine-affected areas, and to ratify and implement the treaty.
Landmines claim victims in Colombia on a regular basis, with recent casulties in Bolívar, Arauca and Caquetá districts. According to statistics provided by the Armed Forces, there were 255 landmine casualties in different parts of the country during the first five months of 1998. This included 55 military and 45 civilians killed, and 68 military and 87 civilians injured.(410) Most civilian casualties were farmers or cattle ranchers working in the field at the time of the accident, while most military casualties were the result of combat or while on patrol.
A paucity of information makes it difficult to estimate the total number of people killed or injured by antipersonnel mines in Colombia. With the exception of the proposed but not yet resourced assessment to be carried out under the auspices of one of the major universities there has been no national survey or study. Statistics held by the Ministry of Health group landmine injuries together with other types of wounds.(411) It is impossible to determine sex or occupation of the victim. Sometimes the same victim is counted three and even four times, depending on the number of medical institutions they visit.
According to the Ministry of National Defense, between January 1992 and December 1994, ninety-eight military died by antipersonnel mines, or 15% of military deaths in combat for the Armed Forces.(412)
Statistics collected by the non-governmental Colombian Commission of Jurists show that in the one year period from October 1996 to September 1997, there were forty-one casualties to antipersonnel mines, including seven civilian and thirty-four military.(413)
Because the great majority of civilian mine victims are in rural areas, it is sometimes nearly impossible to get immediate medical help and can sometimes take hours or even days to reach the nearest hospital. In one case, a victim stepped on an antipersonnel mine while taking cattle to pasture and then waited two hours for first aid, and 32 hours for surgery as he had to travel a very long distance on bad roads, passing through two guerrilla check-points.(414) In addition, victims often cannot pay for appropriate transportation and they have to take vehicles such as beer trucks and jeeps. The injured person is often presumed to be the enemy, making their transit extremely dangerous.
In Colombia adequate medical, surgical and rehabilitation services for victims are available but are usually
in located in the
main urban centers, whereas most victims live in rural areas. While major hospitals can provide quality medical assistance
to mine victims, equipment is imported and expensive, and there are relatively few doctors expert in dealing with the
complex surgical demands of landmine injuries.
Most victims never receive mobility devices, apart from crutches or improvised prostheses. When victims are lucky enough to find prostheses, through the different private and social programs, they often can afford just two or three adjustments, which are too few considering a prosthetic often requires many adjustments.
In Colombia, there are four institutions that manufacture prostheses and provide services for landmine and other victims of violence. The Hospital Militar de Colombia (Colombia's Military Hospital) in Bogotá is the only institution fully prepared and equipped to treat a landmine victim from the emergency room to rehabilitation, including psychological support. The Hospital manufactures prostheses and has a rehabilitation center. It treats military but also provides services for civilians. The CIREC foundation in Bogotá has worked with Colombia's disabled population since 1975 and provides an integral service to victims disabled by war violence. It has a prostheses factory which also manufactures orthopedic devices. The San Juan Bautista Orthopedic Center is located in Bucarmanga in Santander department north of Bogotá. The Antioquia Rehabilitation Committeee is in Medellín in Antioquia department north-west of Bogotá.
Social and economic reintegration programs for landmine and war-disabled are virtually non-existent in Colombia. In the context of the armed conflict, the need for such programmes for injured police or armed forces is not acknowledged. Victims sometimes never return to their past jobs or occupation. FOSYGA (Fund of Guarantees and Solidarity), of the Ministry of Health, is a governmental fund that provides some money to victims of political violence to cover their medical expenses. In 1992, the President's Office created a fund to guarantee 8 million Colombia pesos (approximately U.S.$5,000) to victims of violence.(415)
In 1981, the President's Office decreed Law 2358, creating the National Rehabilitation System. In 1990, Law 10 reorganized the National Health System. In 1997, Law 418 established the obligation of the state to care for victims of armed political or ideological conflict.
The Dominican Republic signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 3 December 1997 but it has not yet ratified. Curiously, the Dominican Republic did not endorse the pro-ban treaty Brussels Declaration in June 1997, but did attend the Oslo negotiations as a full participant. It was absent from the vote on the 1996 UN General Assembly resolution urging all states to pursue vigorously an international agreement banning antipersonnel landmines, but voted in favor of the 1997 and 1998 UNGA resolutions in support of the ban. As a member of the OAS, it also supported by consensus resolutions of the OAS General Assembly. The Dominican Republic is not believed to have ever produced, transferred, stockpiled or used antipersonnel mines. It is not mine-affected.
Mine Ban Policy
Ecuador's Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Diego Ribaneira signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 4 December 1997. Ecuador has yet to ratify it.
On 18 November 1998, a Foreign Affairs Ministry spokesperson informed reporters that the Government had begun the constitutional procedure to ratify the ban treaty.(416) He stated that the treaty had the support of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Ministries and that it had been sent to the Constitutional Tribunal for consideration. After the Constitutional Tribunal's judgment, the treaty will be sent to the National Congress for ratification.(417)
Ecuador participated in all of the ban treaty preparatory meetings, endorsed the pro-treaty Brussels Declaration, and took part in the Oslo negotiations. It also voted in favor of the pro-ban UN General Assembly resolutions in 1996, 1997 and 1998, as well as the pro-ban resolutions of the Organization of American States (OAS).
Despite its participation in the Ottawa Process, Ecuador was not an early or enthusiastic supporter of a comprehensive ban on antipersonnel mines, citing its tense security situation with Peru. Ecuador particularly disturbed ban proponents when during the Oslo treaty negotiations it supported proposals put forward by the United States which if they had been accepted, would have severely weakened the treaty text. These included a delay of nine years in the proposed entry into force period, and a clause permitting withdrawal from the treaty in times of war.
Ecuador is a party to the Convention on Conventional Weapons and its original Protocol II on landmines but it has not yet ratified amended Protocol II.
Production, Transfer and Stockpiling
Ecuador is not believed to have ever produced or exported antipersonnel landmines. There is no information available about the size or composition of Ecuador's landmine stockpile. It is known that Ecuador imported 1,248 antipersonnel mines from the United States (648 M18A1 Claymore mines in 1987, and another 600 M18A1s in 1991).(418) Ecuador instituted a moratorium on antipersonnel mines on 1 May 1995 when it told the United Nations, "Ecuador has decided not to issue permits for the export of this type of weapon [AP mines], if any requests for such permits are submitted in the future."(419)
On 26 October 1998 the Presidents of Ecuador and Peru signed a peace agreement putting an end to a 57-year-old border conflict, which saw intense fighing in 1941, 1981 and February 1995. Tens of thousands of landmines were laid during the border conflict, most of them during the 1995 fighting.
While Ecuador acknowledges laying mines in the border region, Peru denies that its Army laid any mines, a denial Ecuador rejects.(420) On 3 May 1995, Ecuador's Ambassador to the United States wrote to a U.S. Senator, "In the recent border war with Peru, my country was compelled to use landmines along its border with Peru and in the disputed area for defensive purposes only. The deployment and the utilization of such mines was done in conformity with...the Convention on Landmines of 1981 and its Protocol II.... [Ecuador] took all the necessary steps to assure the safety of the civilian population, including...clearly marking the mined areas...[and] a detailed register of the deployment of landmines was kept."(421)
In its most recent landmine report, the U.S. State Department estimated the number of mines in Ecuador at 60,000-80,000.(422) The ICRC reportedly estimated 100,000.(423)
Amazonian indigenous people, the Shuar and Achuar, live on both sides of the border are affected by the presence or suspected presence of uncleared mines. In November 1998, the "Families Shuar and Achuar of the Frontier" issued a joint declaration to the international community, asking for the governments of both countries demine the border.(424) On 5 December 1998, the Ecuadorian Indian Confederation of the Amazonia (COICA in Spanish) demanded the clearance of landmines along the border.
According to media reports, over sixty people, both civilian and military, have been injured or killed by mines along the Ecuador-Peru border since 1995.
Since the Peace Accord was signed in Brazil on 26 October 1998, Ecuador and Peru have made significant progress in different issues related to the border situation, including mine clearance. Both countries asked the Ecuador/Peru Multinational Observation Mission (MOMEP) for support in order to achieve their goals. The MOMEP is made up of military representatives of the United States, Brazil, Argentina and Chile, the four countries that are guarantors of the 1942 Peace Protocol.
On 13 November 1998, MOMEP's general coordinator, General Plinio Abreu said that a plan by the presidents of Ecuador and Peru, through Brazilian President Fernando Cardoso, to remove mines from the border had been completed at the strategic but not at the technical level.(425) It included disclosure from both sides on the sites "where mines were detected or planted." The first phase of the clearance operation plan aims to establish boundary markings between the two countries. On 28 December 1998 clearance began at an area known as Lagartococha.(426) The Ecuadorian Army is training forty dogs in detection of landmines for use in the border clearance effort.
At the January 1999 Regional Seminar on Landmines in Mexico City, Ecuador and Peru made a joint presentation on the demining program of the Peruvian-Ecuadorian frontier. Both countries reaffirmed their committment to eradicate landmines and to make "a specific and tangible contribution toward the objective of the OAS to get a Hemisphere Free of Antipersonnel Landmines."(427) Clearance work is divided between Peru and Ecuador, according to the geographical access of each country. According to the agreement, the demining groups of each country are integrated by officers and voluntary soldiers, one observer of MOMEP and another one of the other country.
Due to the high costs of the equipment, both countries are making efforts to work together to obtain international cooperation to reinforce the national efforts. At the Mexico City Seminar, Canadian Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy announced a donation of $100,000 (Canadian) in equipment to be used in the first phase of mine clearance.(428) Other nations are also contributing funds, equipment and technical support, including Japan, Spain, Russia and the United States.
Guyana signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 4 December 1997, but it has not yet ratified. Guyana did not attend the treaty preparatory meetings or participate in the treaty negotiations in Oslo in September 1997. However, it did endorse the pro-treaty Brussels Declaration in June 1997, voted for the pro-ban UN General Assembly resolutions in 1996, 1997, and 1998, and supported the pro-ban Organization of American States resolutions. Guyana is not a party to the Convention on Conventional Weapons, nor a member of the Conference on Disarmament.
Guyana is not believed to have ever produced or exported antipersonnel mines. Guyana is thought to possess a stockpile of antipersonnel mines, though the size, composition, and supplier(s) of the stockpile is not known.(429) Guyana is not mine-affected.(430)
Haiti signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 3 December 1997 but has not yet ratified. Haiti first pledged its support for an immediate and total ban on antipersonnel mines in May 1996.(431) The government states that it has never produced, imported, stockpiled, or used antipersonnel mines.(432) According to the United Nations, Haiti has never possessed antipersonnel mines and is not mine affected.(433)
Haiti participated in the Ottawa Process by endorsing the Brussels Declaration, supporting key 1996, 1997 and 1998 UN General Assembly resolutions, and supporting Organization of American States resolutions on landmines.
Saint Lucia, a member of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 3 December 1997. Saint Lucia has not ratified yet, but intends to complete the ratification process in early 1999.(434) Upon signing, Saint Lucia stated that the "English-speaking Caribbean countries have no landmines," therefore "the signing of the Treaty is a pre-emptive action to ensure that the region remains landmine-free."(435) Saint Lucia has never produced, transferred, used or stockpiled antipersonnel landmines. It is not mine-affected.
Saint Lucia first announced its support for a total and immediate mine ban during a CARICOM ministerial meeting in May 1996, and has been one of the leading Caribbean promoters of a ban. Saint Lucia participated in the Ottawa Process by endorsing the Brussels declaration, voting in favor of key 1996, 1997 and 1998 UN General Assembly resolutions, and supporting key supporting statements and resolutions by the OAS General Assembly and CARICOM. Saint Lucia was a co-sponsor of the 1996 OAS resolution declaring the Western Hemisphere as an Antipersonnel Landmine-Free Zone. Saint Lucia's Ambassador Edmunds was a driving force behind this resolution.
SAINT VINCENT AND THE GRENADINES
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, a member of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 3 December 1997. (See Grenada country report for OECS statement). Saint Vincent and the Grenadines participated in the Ottawa Process by endorsing the Brussels Declaration, voting in favor of key 1996 and 1997 UN General Assembly resolutions on landmines, and through key OAS General Assembly resolutions. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines has never produced, transferred, stockpiled or used antipersonnel landmines and it is not mine-affected.
Suriname's Ambassador to the United Nations, His Excellency Sushas Ch. Mungra, signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 4 December 1997. Suriname has yet to ratify. In a statement to the signing ceremony, Ambassador Mungra said, "The Government of the Republic of Suriname is proud to participate and to be among the first signatories at this historic event.... The Ottawa Convention is a landmark step in the history of disarmament.... The signing of this Convention...by some 120 countries promotes this convention to become the International Code of Conduct on this issue and also reflects the future direction of International Humanitarian Law."(436)
Suriname did not attend the treaty preparatory meetings or participate in the treaty negotiations in Oslo in September 1997. However, it did endorse the pro-treaty Brussels Declaration in June 1997, voted for the pro-ban UN General Assembly resolutions in 1996, 1997, and 1998, and supported the pro-ban Organization of American States resolutions. Suriname is not a party to the Convention on Conventional Weapons, nor a member of the Conference on Disarmament. Suriname is not believed to have ever produced or exported antipersonnel mines.
During the 1986-1992 internal conflict in Suriname, an estimated 1,000 mines were laid. At the cessation of conflict in August 1992, the Government of Suriname requested assistance from the OAS to help clear the emplanted mines. Under the OAS-sponsored program, "Operation Pur Baka," land in Suriname was surveyed and cleared and Suriname has since been declared clear of mines.(437)
The supplier of the mines used in the conflict is not known. It is also not known if Suriname currently maintains a stockpile of antipersonnel mines.
Mine Ban Policy
Uruguay's Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carlos Perez del Castillo, signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 3 December 1997 and said "the full elimination of weapons like these is a challenge for humanity, a serious responsibility that all countries have to face through the coordinated effort of the entire international community."(438) Uruguay has not yet ratified. Ratification legislation was sent to parliament on 4 September 1998 and is currently before the Senate.
Uruguay first announced its support for an immediate, total ban on antipersonnel landmines during a December 1995 conference of International Red Cross and Red Crescent societies. Uruguay participated in all of the ban treaty preparatory meetings, endorsed the pro-treaty Brussels Declaration, and took part in the Oslo negotiations. Uruguay also voted in favor of the pro-ban UN General Assembly resolutions in 1996, 1997 and 1998, as well as the pro-ban resolutions of the Organization of American States (OAS). Uruguay's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Jorge Perez Otermin, in a recent speech to the General Assembly reiterated support for the 24 July 1998 MERCOSUR Declaration in which member governments agreed to establish a region free of antipersonnel mines."(439)
Uruguay is a party to the 1980 Convention of Conventional Weapons (CCW). On 18 August 1998, Uruguay ratified the CCW's amended Protocol II.
Production, Transfer, Stockpiling, Use
According to the Army, Uruguay has never produced or exported antipersonnel mines.(440) The Army states that all antipersonnel landmines were collected from Army units during the latter half of 1998 and are now stored in the Service of Material and Weapons depot. The stockpile includes Belgian NR-409 and M-35 antipersonnel landmines. The NR-409 will be destroyed in 1999 and the operating mechanism of the M-35 antipersonnel mine will be removed and destroyed. The mines will also be used to destroy a stockpile of other obsolete or defective munitions. Destruction will be conducted by the Army without any outside assistance.(441)
A letter dated 19 November 1997 from the former Defense Minister Raul Iturria in response to a question from National Deputy Gabriel Barandiaran revealed that, as of November 1997, the Armed Forces had a total of 2,338 antipersonnel mines (1,604 M-35 mines and 734 NR-409 mines) as well as 1,377 antitank mines.(442)
Landmines required for training will be inert and will be controlled by the Service of Material and Weapons and, if necessary, will be used by the units in charge of training. Uruguay does not have Claymore mines nor does it have antitank mines fitted with anti-handling devices.(443) It does not appear that Uruguay has used antipersonnel mines in combat operations or for border defense.
Uruguay is not mine-affected. Since 1992, the Army has contributed U.S.$24,000 U.S. to international humanitarian mine action including training, instruction and equipment for mine clearance.(444)
Armed Forces personnel have participated in United Nations peacekeeping and mine action programs in Angola, Cambodia and Mozambique, as well as with the Organization of American States program in Nicaragua.(445) In 1996 and 1997, a group of officers were in Angola working in mine clearance and five of them, all engineers, were trainers in the local school of demining. Uruguayan military personnel continue to participate in the OAS mine action program in Central America..
Uruguay's UN Ambassador Jorge Perez Otermin told a General Assembly session concerning mine action, that "mine clearance should be integrated into the process to reconstruct societies after conflicts."(446)
There are only a few landmine casualties in Uruguay, from military or peacekeeping operations. Captain Fernando Poladura, a retired military officer, lost his right leg while participating in mine clearance in Angola in June 1996.(447)
Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs Miguel Angel Burelli Rivas signed the Mine Ban Treaty on 3 December 1997. Venezuela has not yet ratified the treaty.
Venezuela participated in all of the ban treaty preparatory meetings, endorsed the pro-treaty Brussels Declaration, and took part in the Oslo negotiations. Venezuela also voted in favor of the pro-ban UN General Assembly resolutions in 1996, 1997 and 1998, as well as the pro-ban resolutions of the Organization of American States (OAS).
During the Oslo treaty negotiations, Venezuela caused some concern among ban campaigners by supporting several proposals that would have weakened the treaty greatly, including a clause to permit withdrawal from the treaty in times of war, and an exception for continued use of AP mines in Korea.
Venezuela is not a party to the Convention on Conventional Weapons. Venezuela is a member of the Conference on Disarmament and has supported efforts to address the problem of antipersonnel mines in that forum. It was one of twenty-two CD members that in February 1999 jointly called for the appointment of a Special Coordinator on AP mines, and the establishment of an Ad Hoc Committee to negotiate an export ban.(448)
Venezuela is not believed to be mine-affected. Although there have been some allegations that Venezuela has produced antipersonnel landmines, the government has denied ever producing.(449) Venezuela is not thought to have ever exported mines. Venezuela is believed to have a stockpile of AP mines, but the size, composition, and suppliers of the mines are unknown. Venezuela is not known to have used AP mines.
Venezuela has contributed demining experts to assist with mine clearance efforts in Central America.
301. Response to the Landmine Monitor questionnaire completed by the Legal and Marine Affairs Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Trinidad and Tobago, 26 February 1999.
302. Statement made by Ambassador Lionel Hurst of Antigua and Barbuda, Treaty Signing Conference, Ottawa, Canada, 3 December 1997.
303. Statement made by Ambassador Lionel Hurst of Antigua and Barbuda, at the Americas Regional Seminar, "Reaffirming Our Commitment", co-hosted by the Governments of Canada and Mexico, Mexico City, January 11-12 1999. The Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in the response to the Landmine Monitor questionnaire (dated 20 January 1999), stated that the ratification process would be completed within the next three to four months.
304. Committee on Hemispheric Security, Permanent Council of the OAS, OAS Register of Anti-Personnel Land-Mines: Summary Table of Information Submitted by Member States for the Year 1997, CP/CSH-168/99 Corr. 1, February 1999.
305. Response to the Landmine Monitor questionnaire completed by the office of the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Antigua and Barbuda, 20 January 1999.
306. "Intervention of the Delegation of Argentina on Item 42, Assistance for Demining," UN General Assembly, New York, 17 November 1998.
307. Telephone interview with Foreign Ministry spokesperson, 27 January 1999.
308. Statement by Bulgarian Ambassador Petko Draganov to the Conference on Disarmament, undated but February 1999.
309. U.S. Department of Defense, "Mine Facts" CD Rom.
310. Executive Decree No. 435/95.
311. See, Clarin ( Buenos Aires), 27-28 March 1995; Lawrence Whelan, "Latin arms shipped to Croatia," Jane's Intelligence Review, 1 August 1996, p. 14. The government said that the final destinations of the weapons were supposed to be Panama and Venezuela, and it had been deceived by an intermediary company which had coordinated the operation. But federal justice authorities have ordered the arrest of former executives of the company, which is publicly-owned and the former Defense and Foreign Affairs Ministers have been have been charged.
312. See UN Country Database - www.un.org/Depts/Landmine/country/falkland.htm
313. LM Researcher Correspondence with Foreign Ministry, 27 January 1999.
314. "Intervencion de la Delegacion Argentina en el Tema 42: Asistencia para el Desminado," Nueva York, 17 de Noviembre de 1998. Translated by LM Researcher.
315. LM Researcher Correspondence with Foreign Ministry, 27 January 1999.
316. Legislative Decree no. 4/99, MSC 0018/99.
317. NGOs actively campaigning to ban landmines include: Servico Paz e Justica, SERPAJ (Peace and Justice Service) and Associacao do Jovem Aprendiz, AJA.
318. Statement by Sebastião do Rego Barros Neto, Deputy Minister of Foreign Relations, Brazil to the Treaty Signing Conference, 2-4 December 1997.
319. Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs document "Minas Terrestres Antipessoal" available in the official site:www.mre.gov.br/ndsg/acs/desarm10.htm
320. Legislative Decree no. 3/99, MSC 1275/96.
321. As of May, 1998 OAS Summary Table of Information Submitted by Member State for the Year 1997.
322. U.S. Department of State, Mines of the World Internet: www.mineweb.org/mfacts/mfacts4/f445a.html and CD-Rom ORDATA, Version 1.0, Department of Defense of the United States of America
324. Military Technology, October 1985, p.112
325. Military Technology, October 1985, p.112
326. Human Rights Watch and Physicians for Human Rights, Landmines: A Deadly Legacy (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1993), Appendix 17 and Jane's Mines and Mine Clearance 1997-98, db. 882, db.779.
327. "At the 12ª Brigada de Infantaria Leve of the Brazilian Army soldiers must utilize bullet proof suit, gas mask, ...and remote controlled horizontal action mines," in Revista Tecnologia e Defesa, number 69, 1996, p. 24. Internet: www.fabwp.org/ex12if-p.html. See also " The fire power of the Brazilian infantry is renewed and intensified. At the present time the prompt employment units have anti-vehicle Eryx missiles from Aerospatiale ...and remote controlled mines," in Revista Tecnologia e Defesa, number 76, 1998, reportagem especial Internet: www.tecnodefesa.com.br/76report.htm
328. Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs document "Minas Terrestres Antipessoal" available in the official site:www.mre.gov.br/ndsg/acs/desarm10.htm. However, in another official document Brazil puts the date five years later: "Since 1989, there have been no exports of Brazilian landmines to any country." See, U.N. General Assembly, "Moratorium on the export of antipersonnel landmines, Report of the Secretary General," A/50/701, 3 November 1995, p. 12.
329. Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs document "Minas Terrestres Antipessoal" available in the official site: www.mre.gov.br/ndsg/acs/desarm10.htm
330. Richard Wangen, SERPAJ, Email Correspondence with Liz Bernstein, ICBL Co-coordinator, 18 March 1999.
332. U.S. Department of State, Hidden Killers: The Global Landmine Crisis, September 1998, p. C-1.
333. FHC e Menem Firmam Apoio ao Mercosul - Folha de S. Paulo, 11 Nov. 1997, pp. 1-12.
334. "New bilateral agreements strengthen Canada-Brazil partnership," Canada Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 15 January 1998 ,No. 11.
335. Data collected from the official Brazilian Army magazine: Verde Oliva. Brazilian Army official site:www.exercito.gov.br/revista_vo/vo160/engbras.htm and www.exercito.govbr/revista_vo/vo%20162/minas.htm
336. Brazilian newspaper Correio Braziliense, 6 January 1999, pg.04.
337. Statement by Sebastião do Rego Barros Neto, Deputy Minister of Foreign Relations, Brazil to the Treaty Signing Conference, 2-4 December 1997.
338. Statement by Edmundo Perez Yoma, Minister of Defense, Chile, to the Treaty Signing Conference, Ottawa, Canada, 3 December 1997.
339. The deputies which spoke out against the treaty were from the following parties: National Renewal (RN), PS (Socialist Party), Independent Democratic Union (UDI) and Party for Democracy (PPD). "Deputies Criticize Land Mine Convention Signing," FBIS translation WA0910004998 of article in Santiago Estrategia, 8 October 1998.
340. Statement by Edmundo Perez Yoma, Minister of Defense, 3 December 1997.
342. Statement by Bulgarian Ambassador Petko Draganov to the Conference on Disarmament, undated but February 1999.
343. Response to Landmine Monitor Questionnaire by the Foreign Ministry of Chile, through its Ambassador to Uruguay, Amb. Augusto Bermudez Arancibia, 2 February 1999.
344. U.S. Department of Defense, "Mine Facts" CD Rom.
346. Response to Landmine Monitor Questionnaire by Chile's ambassador to Uruguay, Amb. Augusto Bermudez Arancibia, 2 February 1999.
347. U.S. Army, Armament, Munitions, and Chemical Command (USAMCCOM), Letter to Human Rights Watch, 25 August 1993, and attached statistical tables.
348. Response to Landmine Monitor Questionnaire by Chile's ambassador to Uruguay, Amb. Augusto Bermudez Arancibia, 2 February 1999.
350. Interview published by La Tercera of Santiago, 8 September 1997, and reproduced by Clarin of Buenos Aires, 8 December 1997.
351. See for example, Agence France Presse, Arica, 18 July 1998 and AFP, Antofagasta, 21 June 1998.
352. Response to Landmine Monitor Questionnaire by Chile's ambassador to Uruguay, Amb. Augusto Bermudez Arancibia, 2 February 1999.
353. Interview published by La Tercera of Santiago, and reproduced by Clarin of Buenos Aires, 8 September 1997.
354. El Diario, Bolivia, 22 September 1997.
355. Agence France Presse, Arica, 18 July 1998.
356. Interview published by La Tercera of Santiago, and reproduced by Clarin of Buenos Aires, 8 September 1997.
357. Clarin, 31 October 1997.
358. Agence France Presse, Santiago, 1 July 1998.
359. "Deputies Criticize Land Mine Convention Signing," FBIS translation WA0910004998 of article in Santiago Estrategia, 8 October 1998.
360. Interview published by La Tercera of Santiago and reproduced by Clarin of Buenos Aires, 8 September 1997.
361. 0"Ejército Desmontaría sus Minas Quiebrapatas," El Tiempo, 23 September 1998.
362. Colonel José Manuel Castro, delegate from the Colombian Government to the Regional Seminar on Antipersonnel Landmines, Mexico City, Mexico, 11-12 January 1999.
363. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Captain Miguel Torralvo, Bogotá, Colombia, 19 January 1999.
364. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Captain Miguel Torralvo, Bogotá, Colombia, 19 January 1999; and Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Major Juan Carlos Barrios, Director of Human Rights Office, V Division, National Army, Bogotá, Colombia, 24 February 1999.
365. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Daniel Avila, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bogotá, Colombia, 28 January 1999.
366. Statement by Bulgarian Ambassador Petko Draganov to the Conference on Disarmament, undated but February 1999.
367. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Engineer Hector Rodríguez, Production Manager, Military Industry - INDUMIL, Bogotá, Colombia, 18 and 21 January 1999.
368. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Engineer Héctor Rodríguez, Production Manager, INDUMIL, Bogotá, Colombia, 21 January 1999.
369. INDUMIL, MN-MAP-1 and MN-MPA-2 Catalog.
370. Antipersonnel mines are better known in Colombia by the name quiebrapata, which translated to leg-breaker or foot-breaker.
371. Ministry of National Defense, "Infracciones al D.I. H. Por el Uso de Minas y Otros Artefactos Explosivos de Manera Indiscriminada por la Narco-Guerrilla Colombiana" ("Infractions Of International Humanitarian Law By The Use Of Antipersonnel Mines And Other Explosive Artifacts In An Indiscriminate Way By The Colombian Narco - Guerrilla"), Bogotá, May 1997; Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Captain Miguel Torralvo, Bogotá, Colombia, 19 January 1999.
372. "Las Zonas Minadas en Colombia", El Tiempo, 29 September 1998, p. 13 A.
373. Ministry of National Defense, "Infractions Of International Humanitarian Law By The Use Of Antipersonnel Mines...," May 1997.
374. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with users of "Pig mines" in Chocó, Bogotá, Colombia, November 1998.
376. U.S. Army, Armament, Munitions, and Chemical Command (USAMCCOM), Letter to Human Rights Watch, 25 August 1993, and attached statistical tables; U.S. Defense Security Assistance Agency, Foreign Military Sales of Antipersonnel Mines, FY 1983-1992.
377. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Engineer Hector Rodríguez, Military Industry - INDUMIL, Bogotá, Colombia, 18 January 1999.
378. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Colonel José Manuel Castro, Consultant for Legal Affairs, Ministry of National Defense, 21 January 1999.
379. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Engineer Hector Rodríguez, Bogotá, 18 January 1999.
380. "Las Zonas Minadas en Colombia," El Tiempo, 29 September 1998, p. 13 A.
381. Ministry of National Defense, "Infractions Of International Humanitarian Law By The Use Of Antipersonnel Mines...," May 1997.
383. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Colonel José Manuel Castro, Ministry of National Defense, 21 January 1999.
384. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Captain Miguel Torralvo, Bogotá, Colombia, 19 January 1999; and Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Major Juan Carlos Barrios, Director of Human Rights Office, V Division, National Army, Bogotá, Colombia, 24 February 1999.
385. Colonel José Manuel Castro, legal consultant for the Ministry of National Defense; Major Juan Carlos Barrios, Director of the Human Rights Unit of the V Division of the National Army; Captain Miguel Torralvo, Director of the Human Rights Unit of the Ministry of National Defense.
386. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview, Major Juan Carlos Barrios, National Army, Bogotá, Colombia, 24 February 1999.
387. See HRW interviews in Magdalena Medio, 27-30 June 1997; HRW interviews with human rights defenders, Arauca and Saravena, 2-3 February 1997; and "Minas quiebrapatas cobran más victimas," El Colombiano, 29 April 1996, in Human Rights Watch, War Without Quarter, October 1998, p. 182.
388. See HRW interview with Francisco Galán and Felipe Torres, Itagui Prison, Medellin, Antioquia, 8 December 1997 in Human Rights Watch, War Without Quarter, October 1998, p. 182.
389. See Article 7.d., and 7.10., in "Regarding Humanization of War" section of "Heaven's Door Agreement", First Agreement Between Civil Society and the Ejercito Popular de Liberacion Nacional, E.L.N. - National Liberation Army.
390. See HRW interview with Marco Leon Calarcá, Frente Internacional-FARC, Mexico City, 13 July 1996, in Human Rights Watch, War Without Quarter: Colombia and International Humanitarian Law (New York: Human Rights Watch, October 1998), p. 182.
391. Colombian Campaign Against Landmines interview, Olga Lucia Marín and Marco Leon Calarcá, Spokesmen of FARC EP, México D. F., México, 13 January 1999.
393. "Fear of landmines delays work on Colombia pipeline," Reuters, Bogota, 3 July 1998.
394. Colombian Campaign Against Landmines interview, Olga Lucia Marín and Marco Leon Calarcá, Spokesmen of FARC EP, México D. F., México, 13 January 1999.
395. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Roland Vabre, ICRC, Bogotá, Colombia, 5 February 1999.
396. "Las zonas Minadas en Colombia," El Tiempo, 21 September 1998, p.13A
397. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with users of "Pig mines" in Chocó, Bogotá, Colombia, November 1998.
398. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview, Major Juan Carlos Barrios, National Army, Bogotá, Colombia, 24 February 1999; "Ejército Desmontaría sus Minas Quiebrapatas," El Tiempo, 23 September 1998.
399. Most information on this in the Ministry of National Defense is classified. Information from the ICRC Colombia Medical Department is available, but data such as names, addresses and details on the victims is not releasable.
400. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview, Graciela Uribe, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bogotá, Colombia, 2 February 1999.
401. See Ministry of National Defense, ""Infractions Of International Humanitarian Law By The Use Of Antipersonnel Mines...," May 1997; El Tiempo Database, articles from 1992 to January 1999; Colombian Commission of Jurists Database, data from 1996 to 1998; and ICRC Patient Information.
402. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Alicia Londoño, Juridical Assistant, Juridical Office, ICRC, Bogotá, Colombia, 9 February 1999.
403. Landmine Monitor/Colombia, interview with Colonel José Manuel Castro, Ministry of National Defense, 21 January 1999.
404. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Captain Miguel Torralvo, Bogotá, Colombia, 19 January 1999; and Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with Major Juan Carlos Barrios, Director of Human Rights Office, V Division, National Army, Bogotá, Colombia, 24 February 1999.
405. Orlando Henríquez and Orlando Restrepo, "The Peace Process, a "Mined Field"?, El Tiempo, 21 September 1998, p. 12 A.
406. "Ejército Desmontaría sus Minas Quiebrapatas," El Tiempo, 23 September 1998.
407. Colombian Campaign Against Landmines interview, Cesar Gaviria, General Secretary of the OAS, México D.F., México, 11 January 1999.
408. Landmine Monitor/Colombia, information provided by telephone from the Colombian Red Cross, 27 January 1999.
409. Landmine Monitor/Colombia, information provided by telephone from the Colombian Red Cross, 27 January 1999.
410. "La Guerra Sucia de los Campos Minados," El Espectador, 6 June 1998.
411. Diagnosis of Hospital Discharge, Ministry of Health, Bogotá, 1996.
412. Ministry of National Defense, "Infractions Of International Humanitarian Law By The Use Of Antipersonnel Mines...," May 1997.
413. Colombian Commission of Jurists Database.
414. Landmine Monitor/Colombia interview with victim of antipersonnel mine in Santander, Bogotá Department, 23 January 1999.
415. LM/Colombia Telephone Interview with Marlene Meza, Director, National Committee for Victims of Violence, Social Security Net, 9 February 1999.
416. Agence France Presse Quito, 18 November 1998.
418. U.S. Army, Armament, Munitions, and Chemical Command (USAMCCOM), Letter to Human Rights Watch, 25 August 1993, and attached statistical tables.
419. "Report of the Secretary General: Moratorium on the export of antipersonnel landmines," A/50/701, 3 November 1995, p. 13.
420. See: Letter from Ministro Juan M. Leoro, Permanent Representative of Ecuador to the OAS to the OAS Landmine Register,14 March 1997, N.029-97 MPE-OEA; letter from Ambassador Beatriz Ramaccion, Permenent Representative of Peru to the OAS, Washington DC, 1 March 1997,7-5-M/073; and letter from Ambassador Beatriz Ramaccion, Permenent Representative of Peru to the OAS, Washington DC, 21 April 1997,Nota 7-5-M/132.
421. Letter from Ambassador Edgar Teran to Senator Patrick Leahy, No. 4-7-146/95, 3 May 1995.
422. U.S. Department of State, Hidden Killers, September 1998, p. A-1.
423. Quito El Comercio, 29 December 1998.
424. The declaration was dated 19 November 1998.
425. Edwin Fernandez, "Plan to Remove Mines from Border Ready," Quito El Comercio (Internet Version) in Spanish, 13 November 1998.
426. "Fujimori: Demarcation Work Begins 28 Dec," EFE, 12 December 1998.
427. Remarks made at Regional Seminar on Landmines, Mexico City, Mexico, 11-12 January 1999.
428. "Axworthy Announces Mine Action Funding in Latin America," Press Release, Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, Ottawa, Canada, 11 January 1999.
429. Canada's Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade's Mine Action Database.
430. UN website: http://www.un.org/Depts/Landmine/country/guyana.htm
431. Letter from Ministre Conseiller Guy Pierre, Mission Permanente D'Haiti, Washington, DC, to Human Rights Watch, in response to ICBL Questionnaire, 8 May 1996.
433. United Nations Landmine Database, Country Report on Haiti, taken from the UN website: http://www.un.org/Depts/Landmine/country/haiti.htm
434. Unless cited otherwise, all statements are taken from the response to the Landmine Monitor questionnaire completed by the office of the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, St. Lucia, dated 1 February 1999.
435. Statement made by Ambassador Sonia Johnny, signing the Mine Ban Treaty on behalf of St. Lucia, Ottawa, Canada, 3 December 1997.
436. Statement to Signing Ceremony by His Excellency Sushas Ch. Mungra, Suriname's Ambassador to the United Nations, 4 December 1997.
437. UN Database Country Report: Suriname,see: www.un.org/Depts/landmine/country
438. Carlos Perez del Castillo, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, Statement to Signing Ceremonies, Ottawa, Canada, 3 December 1997.
439. Statement of the Permanent Representative of Uruguay to the United Nations, Ambassador Dr. Jorge Perez Otermin, New York, 17 November 1998.
440. National Army Response to Landmine Monitor questionnaire, February 1999.
442. Landmine Monitor has a copy of the letter.
443. National Army Response to Landmine Monitor questionnaire, February 1999.
445. Telephone Interview with Public Relations Office of the Army, 26 February 1999.
446. Statement of the Permanent Representative of Uruguay to the United Nations, Ambassador Dr. Jorge Perez Otermin, New York, 17 November 1998.
447. Interview with Captain (ret.) Fernando Poladura, Montevideo, 12 November 1998.
448. Statement by Bulgarian Ambassador Petko Draganov to the Conference on Disarmament, undated but February 1999.
449. The 1993 U.S. Army Countermine Systems Directorate, Worldwide Informational Mine Guide, lists an M6 blast antipersonnel mine produced by Venezuela.
450. Statement of Directorate of Multilateral Affairs of the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs, quoted in letter from Ambassador Angel Dalmau to Noel Stott, South Africa, 26 November 1997.
452. "Cuba's Policy Concerning the Issue of Antipersonnel Landmines," Statement to the Brussels Conference, reprinted in Handicap International and International Campaign to Ban Landmines, Conference Report: Brussels International Conference for the Total Ban on Antipersonnel Landmines, 24-27 June 1997, p. 27.
454. "Historic Meeting Discusses Elements of a Landmine Treaty," ICBL Press Advisory, undated, in Conference Report: Brussels International Conference, 24-27 June 1997, p. 7.
455. ICBL, "Expert Meeting on Possible Verification Measures for a Convention to Ban Antipersonnel Landmines," in Conference Report: Brussels International Conference, 24-27 June 1997, p. 10.