The conflict in West Kalimantan was an enormous human tragedy in terms of lives lost, people displaced, and property destroyed. For Indonesia, it was also a political tragedy, in that the myth of national unity was badly undermined in one key province, at a time when Indonesia is facing the uncertainties of political succession.
Everyone involved in the conflict is convinced there was a penghasut, someone who incited the conflict. Various people have been accused of stirring up trouble: Zainuddin Isman, for writing the chronology; the four religious leaders from Madura who conducted a fact-finding mission in early January; the police, for whipping up anti-Madurese sentiment; the political parties and individual candidates, for trying to gain points before the May elections; and so on. There may well have been different parties trying to use the conflict for their own interests at different times, but before an individual or organization is blamed, it is critically important to try and understand the dynamics of this outbreak - particularly as tensions remain so high than another eruption is not just possible but likely. Such an understanding is only going to come about through a serious, time-consuming, and utterly impartial investigation that addresses some of the questions we raise in this report. In addition those questions, it is essential that the larger questions about how the Dayak people have fared under New Order development policies be addressed. On the basis of two trips to the region, we do not believe that the virulence of this communal conflict can simply be blamed on the socioeconomic frustrations of a dispossessed people, but those frustrations nonetheless cannot be ignored.
The government also needs to examine its own response to the conflict. Virtually every step it took made things worse. Its clampdown on information allowed rumors to spread unchecked. Its failure to take adequate measures to stop perpetrators of violence, whether on the part of Dayaks, Madurese, or its own officers, led to increased resentment on the part of one ethnic group or the other. The secrecy surrounding the burial of those killed in Dayak-army clashes led to suspicions about hidden atrocities. The arbitrary detention of people arrested under an obscure emergency law was in clear violation of fundamental rights. And the peace pacts probably caused more harm than good.
At a time when Indonesia is facing more outbreaks of ethnic and religious conflict than ever before, it would be instructive to use West Kalimantan as a case study in what to avoid in the future.
Human Rights Watch/Asia
Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world.
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The staff includes Kenneth Roth, executive director; Susan Osnos, associate director; Michele Alexander, development director; Cynthia Brown, program director; Barbara Guglielmo, finance and administration director; Robert Kimzey, publications director; Jeri Laber, special advisor; Lotte Leicht, Brussels office director; Susan Osnos, communications director; Jemera Rone, counsel; Wilder Tayler, general counsel; and Joanna Weschler, United Nations representative. Robert L. Bernstein is the chair of the board and Adrian W. DeWind is vice chair.
Its Asia division was established in 1985 to monitor and promote the observance of internationally recognized human rights in Asia. Sidney Jones is the executive director; Mike Jendrzejczyk is the Washington director; Robin Munro is the Hong Kong director; Patricia Gossman is the senior researcher; Zunetta Liddell is the research associate; Jeannine Guthrie is NGO liaison; Sarah Cooke is the research assistant; Mickey Spiegel is a consultant; Olga Nousias and Tom Kellogg are associates. Andrew J. Nathan is chair of the advisory committee and Orville Schell is vice chair.
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