Vladimir Poutine devrait-il s'intéresser de près à la condamnation de Charles Taylor, l'ancien président du Libéria? Et qu'en est-il d'Henry Kissinger?
In 2010, Africa experienced two setbacks regarding ensuring justice for victims of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity: the African Union’s (AU) July summit decision that renewed a call for its members not to cooperate with the International Criminal Court (ICC) in arresting Sud
Sixteen-year-old Florence was an orphan doing domestic work when the January 2010 earthquake hit Haiti. She moved with the family she worked for to a displacement camp, where her employer raped her. The rapist threatened to harm her even more if she told anyone, so she didn’t see a doctor. Besides, she didn’t have the money, the means, or the information she needed to get care.
In a Texas panhandle farming community, a mother—whose 11-year-old daughter toils in the cotton fields and cares for her younger brothers—tells her child, “I’m so sorry I stole your childhood from you.” While this mother may feel personally responsible, her government is also to blame.
The past two decades have seen increased awareness, attention and action in response to the plight of children affected by armed conflict. However, one issue that has not received much attention, despite the regularity with which it occurs, is the phenomenon of military forces and other armed groups using school buildings.
Abstract
Background
The healthcare needs and general experience of women in detention in sub-Saharan Africa are rarely studied and poorly understood.
Methods
With the enactment of the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003 ("PREA"), Congress simultaneously acknowledged the significance of sexual abuse by staff and prisoners in correctional facilities as well as the duty of public officials to protect incarcerated individuals from it.[1] Among other provisions, PREA authorized the creation of
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