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XIII. Unlawful Attacks on Government Security Forces

Insurgent groups have conducted numerous armed attacks against Iraqi security forces, which as of June 2005 numbered more than 160,000 soldiers and police,331 as well as against the U.S.-led Multi-National Force. Attacks against a state’s armed forces are not unlawful under international humanitarian law, although such acts do violate local Iraqi law and subject the perpetrator to criminal prosecution (see section on Criminal Responsibility in Chapter XVI of this report, “Legal Standards and the Conflict in Iraq”).

Under the laws of war, police forces are civilian and individual police may not be subject to attack unless they directly participate in hostilities. However, police units that become formally attached to the state’s armed forces or take on military functions, including participating in military operations against insurgents, will become legitimate objects of attack.332

International humanitarian law does, however, limit the means and manner in which legitimate military targets may be attacked. Attacks that do not distinguish between combatants and civilians or are likely to cause disproportionate harm to the civilian population in excess of the expected military advantage are prohibited. Attackers must take all feasible precautions to minimize civilian harm.

In addition, captured military and police personal are considered no longer participating in hostilities (hors de combat). Such persons must be treated humanely; torture and other mistreatment, and summary executions are strictly forbidden.

Insurgent groups have conducted many attacks against the Iraqi army and police and the Multi-National Force that violated the laws of war. First, various insurgent groups have tortured and summarily executed dozens if not hundreds of captured Iraqi police and soldiers they have in custody. Some captured Multi-National Force soldiers have also been killed. Article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions, binding on government armed forces and non-state armed groups, states that members of armed forces who have laid down their arms due to sickness, wounds, detention, or any other cause “shall in all circumstances be treated humanely.” Violence to life and person, in particular murder, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture, are forbidden. And no party to the conflict may pass sentences or carry out executions without previous judgment by a regularly constituted court that has afforded the defendant all judicial guarantees.333

Second, many insurgent attacks on legitimate military targets have been carried out using unlawful means, namely perfidy. A perfidious attack is one in which the attacker feigns a protected status in order to carry out the attack. Thus, while suicide attacks are not in themselves unlawful, a suicide bomber who pretends to be an unarmed civilian while approaching a military checkpoint or group of soldiers before carrying out an attack is committing a war crime. Unlike the use of decoys, camouflage and other lawful forms of deception, perfidy places noncombatants at unnecessary risk by causing soldiers to disregard the protected status of civilians and incapacitated fighters out of fear of being attacked.

Third, many attacks that appeared to be targeting a valid military object, such as massive car bombings outside police stations used for military purposes, have caused disproportionate harm to civilians. That is, the attackers carried out the operation knowing that the loss to civilians was going to be greater than any foreseeable military advantage to be gained from the attack. Indeed, some operations appear designed to link attacks on military targets with high civilian casualties, to undermine public support for, interaction with, and recruitment by the security forces.334

Summary Executions of Government Forces

Some insurgent groups have summarily executed, often by beheading, captured Iraqi police and army personnel, as well as soldiers from the Multi-National Force. The number of security force members murdered in the custody of insurgent groups is not known, but groups like Ansar al-Sunna and al-Tawhid wal-Jihad have repeatedly claimed responsibility for executing soldiers and police.

The case with the most deaths occurred on October 23, 2004, when insurgents executed forty-six Iraqi soldiers and three drivers taking them home on leave. Insurgents dressed as Iraqi soldiers or police manning a checkpoint stopped three buses with the U.S.-trained soldiers near the Iranian border between 6:00 and 8:00 p.m. The insurgents apparently ordered the soldiers off the bus, forced them to lie in rows and shot them systematically from behind. “Most of them were shot in their backs and the back of their heads,” a local official said.335

Officials found thirty-seven bodies lying in rows and, according to the Interior Ministry, the victims’ hands were tied behind their backs. They found twelve others the next day a short distance away in one of the buses. The three drivers were among the dead. Most of the victims were from Basra, al-`Amara and al-Nasiriyya.336

In an Internet posting, al-Zarqawi’s al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the executions. “The mujahadeen killed them all, stole two vehicles and the salaries they had just received from their masters,” a statement said.337 Interim Iraqi Prime Minister Ayad `Allawi faulted “foreign troops” for their “gross negligence” in failing to provide security for recruits on leave.338

Other examples of summary executions are:

  • On April 9, 2004, armed men attacked a seventeen-truck U.S. fuel convoy near Abu Ghraib and captured two U.S. servicemen, Sgt. Elmer C. Krause and Pfc. Keith M. Maupin from the Army Reserve’s 724th Transportation Company, and seven contractors.339 Bodies of four of the contractors were later found, as was the body of Sgt. Krause. One of the contractors, Thomas Hamill, escaped after one month, but the two other contractors and Pfc. Maupin remained missing. On April 16, al-Jazeera broadcast a video from an unnamed armed group that showed Pfc. Maupin sitting on the ground, apparently in good health, surrounded by six masked men. Ten weeks later, on June 28, al-Jazeera aired another video that showed Pfc. Maupin, along with a statement that he had been executed. Al-Jazeera did not broadcast the execution but said the video showed a gunman shooting Pfc. Maupin in the head from behind. U.S. officials said they could not confirm the execution due to the poor quality of the video.340 Pfc. Maupin remains the only missing U.S. soldier in Iraq.

  • On October 26, 2004, Ansar al-Sunna announced the abduction of eleven Iraqi soldiers south of Baghdad. Two days later, a statement posted on the Internet along with photographs said the group had executed the eleven men. “The ruling of God has been implemented against them by slaughtering one and killing the others by firing squad,” the statement reportedly said.341

  • On November 20, 2004, U.S. and Iraqi soldiers found the bodies of nine Iraqi soldiers in an industrial area of central Mosul. Each of the victims reportedly had a bullet wound in the head, and four of them were badly burned in manner suggesting they might have first been tortured.342 Eight days later, al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for killing seventeen members of Iraq’s security forces in Mosul, although it is not clear if some of these victims were the men found on November 20. In a statement posted on a website, the group reportedly said it had killed seven “apostates” from the armed forces, as well as a Kurdish militiaman. Three members of the Iraqi government’s Emergency Response Units were executed after being “investigated,” the group said.343

  • On January 1, 2005, a group claiming to be al-Qaeda Group of Jihad in Mesopotamia in al-Ramadi posted a video on the Internet that reportedly showed the execution of five Iraqi soldiers. Entitled “Confessions and Implementations of God’s Judgment on the American Dogs,” the video showed five men in civilian clothes on a deserted city street with their hands tied behind their backs. One of the five men had identified himself as Bashar Latif Jassim, who “confessed” that his assignment was to “prevent the terrorists from entering Iraq.”344 Men with handguns shot them repeatedly in their backs.345

  • On January 23, 2005, Ansar al-Sunna released a video that showed the execution of an Iraqi soldier. Posted on the Internet, it reportedly showed a man in a chair with an identity card that read, “Defense Ministry, `Abd al-Jabbar `Ali `Abdullah, colonel.” An insurgent in a hood then shot the man. A statement with the video said, “the colonel was taken captive in Mosul, where he had been sent to help U.S. forces seeking to recapture the town from the mujahadin. He was executed by firing squad after confessing to his crimes.”346

  • On February 2, 2005, insurgents stopped a minibus carrying Iraqi soldiers south of Kirkuk. They reportedly ordered the fourteen soldiers off the bus and then executed twelve of them. The insurgents allowed two wounded men to live apparently as a warning to others. According to the Iraqi military commander in Kirkuk, Maj. Gen. Anwar Muhammad, “they deliberately wounded them and told them: go and tell your village what we did.”347 The assailants identified themselves as members of al-Takfir wal-Hijra (Atonement and Pilgrimage).348

  • On April 20, 2005, officials discovered the corpses of nineteen Iraqi soldiers in a stadium in the largely Sunni Arab city of Haditha, about 130 miles northwest of Baghdad. Unknown insurgents apparently kidnapped the soldiers while they were on leave from their posts. According to a local health official, “the armed group threatened the people and the medical staff of the hospital not to evacuate the bodies from the stadium,” so Iraqis would be warned not to join the Iraqi army or police.349 Two witnesses said they ran to the stadium after hearing shots and saw the nineteen bodies slumped up against a wall stained with blood.350

    Perfidious Attacks

    Perfidious attacks by insurgent groups on legitimate military targets (attacks in which a combatant pretends to be a civilian or other “protected person”) have directly caused hundreds of civilian casualties and have in general placed all civilians in Iraq at greater risk of harm. Suicide attacks in which the attacker conceals his or her identity as a combatant are war crimes for which those organizing such attacks can be prosecuted. Perfidious attacks increase the risk to all civilians at checkpoints and at other defended zones. Attackers who unlawfully feign civilian status to carry out attacks increase the likelihood that armed forces will use force against civilians who are perceived to be disguised combatants. Many of the shootings of civilians at U.S. and Iraqi checkpoints, however unlawful, occurred in part as a result of the fear the soldiers had of being attacked by insurgents pretending to be civilians (see Chapter XVI of this report, “Legal Standards and the Conflict in Iraq”).

    Not all insurgent groups use suicide attacks. Al-Qaeda in Iraq and Ansar al-Sunna have claimed responsibility for most of the major suicide attacks, both on civilian targets and government armed forces, and in most of those attacks the attacker feigned civilian status.

    On June 25 and 26, 2005, unknown insurgents in Mosul attacked Iraqi police and army personnel four times using perfidious methods, killing at least thirty-eight. The first attack came Saturday night, June 25, when a suicide car bomb exploded at a police checkpoint around 8:00 p.m., killing five officers and wounding two more. The next morning just after dawn, a man drove a red pick-up truck full of explosives into the Bab al-Tub police station in the center of town, killing ten policemen and two civilians. According to an Iraqi policeman at the scene, the explosives were hidden beneath a pile of melon and fruit. A policeman at the front gate said that he “opened the barbed wires for [the truck], thinking that he was trying to cross the street to unload his cargo in the nearby wholesale market… The suicide bomber was able to get close to the gate of the police station and blow himself up.”351 A short time later, a suicide car bomber blew himself up outside the al-Kasik army base west of the city, killing fifteen civilians who worked at the base and wounding seven, although it is not clear if he was dressed as a civilian or driving a civilian car. Finally, that afternoon, a man wearing a hidden explosive vest pretended he needed medical attention and then blew himself up inside a small police station at al-Jamuri Hospital in Mosul, where many of the dead and wounded from the previous three attacks had been taken. That attack killed four policemen and wounded six.352

    On September 14 and 15, 2005, more than one dozen suicide bomb attacks in Shi`a neighborhoods around Baghdad killed nearly 200 people, including civilians and Iraqi police. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility and said the attacks were retaliation for a joint U.S.-Iraqi counter-insurgency operation in the town of Tal Afar.353 In one of the attacks, a suicide bomber driving a civilian car rammed into a police bus in the al-Dora district, killing fifteen policemen and five civilians. Four hours later, two suicide bombers in the same area killed another nine members of the police, although it is not clear if they were feigning civilian status.354 In the most deadly incident, a suicide bomber in the Kadhimiyya neighborhood lured a large group of Shi`a men around his car with promises of work. In the midst of a large crowd, he detonated his explosives, killing at least 112 people.355

    Attacks on Security Forces Causing Disproportionate Civilian Harm

    Attacks by insurgents against legitimate military targets, such as Iraqi and multinational forces, have at times apparently caused harm to civilians far exceeding any expected military advantage. Such attacks violate the laws of war.356 Insurgent groups that use car bombs and suicide bombs in crowded civilian areas have shown a blatant disregard for civilian lives.

    On April 21, 2004, for example, four car bombs exploded just after 7:00 a.m. in the southern city of Basra, killing sixty-eight people and wounding 200. The attackers detonated the bombs outside three police stations and a police academy, which would be legitimate targets if used for military purposes. Fifty-nine of the dead were civilians, including at least sixteen children.357 Human Rights Watch did not conduct field research in Basra to determine whether the police stations and police academy were performing a military function and therefore were legitimate targets, and if so, whether the expected military gains from the attacks justified the expected loss of civilian life. The available evidence, however, strongly suggests that the expected harm to civilians far exceeded the expected military gain.

    “I saw a minibus full of children on fire,” said one man, who lived near the Sa`udiyya police station, which came under attack. “Fifteen of the eighteen passengers were killed and three badly wounded. I looked around and saw my leg bleeding and my neighbor lying dead on the floor torn apart.”358

    A fifteen-year-old girl was about to board the bus when the explosion went off. “I had just left the house,” she told a journalist. “I opened the door and went out. I could see the bus. I found myself flying in the air and falling on the ground. I saw fire and smoke. It was a huge explosion. I couldn’t get up again.”359

    On November 11, 2004, a suicide bomber in a Kia microbus detonated his explosives on Bagdhad’s Sadun Street, a busy commercial strip, during the morning rush hour. The target was a five-car convoy of Iraqi police, but the blast killed seventeen civilians and wounded twenty people, including some police, incinerated ten cars and destroyed shops along the street. Seven bodies arrived at al-Kindi hospital, six of them burnt beyond recognition, a doctor said. The blast carved a crater in the road and caused a building to collapse.360 Again, although Human Rights Watch did not investigate this case itself, the evidence strongly suggests that the expected harm to civilians far exceeded the expected military gain.

    “No one should see what I saw: pieces of flesh, cut legs, burned bodies,” said Thae Khudhair Jasim, a twenty-three-year-old taxi driver, who suffered wounds to his neck and chest when the windshield of his taxi shattered from the blast.361

    “I entered the shop, then suddenly there was a huge blast that brought down the roof. Then I don’t know what happened next,” said Sami Hanun, a thirty-four-year-old worker who was wounded in the attack. “Right now, I can’t feel my legs. I don’t know if I can walk again.”362

    “It was a car bomb directed at our patrol, but it hit civilians,” said Iraqi police officer Hadi `Umar, who cut his head on broken glass. “We’re still trying to find people under the rubble.”363

    In a number of reported incidents, insurgents have apparently caused disproportionate civilian deaths in attacks on U.S. forces. On September 30, 2004, for example, two car bombs exploded at a ribbon-cutting ceremony outside a recently reconstructed sewage pumping station in Baghdad’s Hay al-`Amal neighborhood, killing forty-one people, more than thirty of them children. The target was apparently a convoy of U.S. soldiers from the First Calvary Division who were attending the ceremony and distributing candy to children outside the station when the bombs exploded. Ten soldiers were injured, the U.S. military said.364

    “I went out after the first explosion and then got hit by the second. I felt my leg crack, and I fell,” said Karab `Abd al-Karim, aged sixteen.365 “I hate the people who did this. But I also blame the Americans, they came into our neighborhood and brought this with them,” said the father of nine-year-old Muhammad Akhbar Yunis, who was hit by shrapnel in the arm.366

    Again, Human Rights Watch did not conduct field research into this incident, but the fact that forty-one civilians died, many of them children, in an attack on soldiers opening a pumping station strongly suggests that the expected civilian cost far outweighed any anticipated military gain.



    [331] According to the U.S. government, the Iraqi security forces had 168,227 personnel as of June 1, 2005 (91,256 in the police and 76,971 in forces of the Ministry of Defense). See U.S. Department of State, Iraq Weekly Status Report, June 1, 2005, available at http://www.defendamerica.mil/downloads/Iraq%20Weekly%20Status%20Report_20050601.pdf, as of June 14, 2005.

    [332] See ICRC Commentary on the Additional Protocols, Protocol II, article 1(1), p. 1352: “The term ‘armed forces’ of the High Contracting Party should be understood in the broadest sense. In fact, this term was chosen in preference to others suggested such as, for example, ‘regular armed forces’, in order to cover all the armed forces, including those not included in the definition of the army in the national legislation of some countries (national guard, customs, police forces or any other similar force).”

    [333] Common article 3 to the four Geneva Conventions of 1949.

    [334] Protocol I, article 51(5).

    [335] Monte Morin, “Dozens of Iraqi Soldiers Found Slain,” Los Angeles Times, October 25, 2004.

    [336] Karl Vick, “Insurgents Massacre 49 Iraqi Recruits,” Washington Post, October 25, 2004.

    [337] Monte Morin, “Dozens of Iraqi Soldiers Found Slain,” Los Angeles Times, October 25, 2004 and Faris al-Madhdawi, “Rebels Admit Massacre - Al-Qaeda Ally Claims Credit for Slaughter of 50 Cadets,” Daily Telegraph, October 26, 2004.

    [338] Jackie Spinner, “Allawi Accuses Foreign Troops of Negligence in Massacre,” Washington Post, October 27, 2004.

    [339] “DOD Announces Army Soldiers as Wherabouts-Unknown,” U.S. Department of Defense Releases, April 12, 2004.

    [340] Dana Priest, “Iraqi Militants Allege Slaying of U.S. Soldier; Identity Unclear From Video, Officials Say,” Washington Post, June 29, 2004, and John Nolan, “Army Unsure if Taped Execution Was Real,” Associated Press, August 9, 2004.

    [341] “Al-Qaeda-Linked Group Executes 11 Iraqi National Guards: Website,” Agence France-Presse,” October 28, 2004.

    [342] “Iraqis Slain in Mosul as US Soldier Killed in Baghdad Ambush,” Agence France-Presse, November 20, 2004.

    [343] “Al-Zarqawi’s Group Claims Responsibility for Killing Security Troops in Northern Iraq,” Associated Press, November 28, 2004. The Emergency Response Units were announced by then-Iraqi Prime Minister Ayad ‘Allawi in late June 2004 as part of the government’s plan to establish new security structures within the police and armed forces. The units were meant to take part in “special operations,” he said, but he did not elaborate on their nature.

    [344] “Zarqawi Group Executes Five Iraqi National Guards: Video,” Agence France-Presse, January 1, 2005.

    [345] Christine Hauser, “5 in Iraq Force Are Shot Dead in Rebel Video,” New York Times, January 2, 2005.

    [346] “Ansar al-Sunna Executes Iraqi Soldier: Video,” Agence France-Presse, January 23, 2005.

    [347] “Military Chief Says Al-Takfir Group Killed Soldiers Near Kirkuk,” BBC Monitoring, KurdSat TV, February 3, 2005.

    [348] Jason Keyser, “Vengeful Insurgents Ramp Up Iraq Attacks,” Associated Press, February 3, 2005, and “Surge in Violence in Iraq Ends Post-election Lull,” Associated Press, February 3, 2005. An Islamic group called al-Takfir wal-Hijrah emerged in Egypt in the 1960s, but it is not clear if it is linked to the group in Iraq.

    [349] Patrick J. McDonnell, “Iraqis Find 70 Bodies in River, Arena,” Los Angeles Times, April 21, 2005, and “Insurgents Kill 19 Iraqi Guards,” Reuters, April 20, 2005.

    [350] “19 Bodies Left in Iraqi Soccer Stadium,” Associated Press, April 20, 2005.

    [351] Richard A. Oppel Jr. and Eric Schmitt, “Bombing Attacks on Iraqi Forces Kill 38 in North,” New York Times, June 27, 2005.

    [352] “Iraq Bombings Kill 25 as Rumsfeld Confirms US Rebel Contact,” Agence France-Presse, June 26, 2005, Andy Mosher and Dhlovan Brwari, “Three Suicide Attacks Kill 26 in Mosul,” Washington Post, June 27, 2005.

    [353] Mohammed Ramahi, “Suicide Bomber Kills 24 Policemen in Baghdad,” Reuters, September 15, 2005.

    [354] Michael Howard, “Suicide Bombers Maintain Intense Attack on Baghdad,” The Guardian, September 16, 2005, and “New Suicide Attacks Kill Nine Iraqi Policemen,” Reuters, September 15, 2005.

    [355] Robert F. Worth and Richard A. Oppel Jr., “Multiple Attacks Kill Nearly 150 in Iraqi Capital,” New York Times, September 15, 2005.

    [356] See ICRC, CIHL, rule 14 (“Launching an attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated, is prohibited.”) The principle of proportionality is codified in Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), of 8 June 1977, Article 51.

    [357] Abbas Fayadh, “Suicide Car Bomb Attacks Kill At Least 68 People in Southern Iraqi City of Basra, Including Children,” Associated Press, April 21, 2004.

    [358] Luke Harding and Mohammad Haidar, “Iraq British-controlled Basra Suffers Its Worst Day Since Saddam’s Fall as Bombs Destroy Buses Full of Children: School Sees All Her Friends Perish in Blast,” The Guardian, April 22, 2004.

    [359] Ibid.

    [360] Waleed Ibrahim, “Central Baghdad Car Bomb Kills 17, Wounds 20,” Reuters, November 11, 2004.

    [361] Karl Vick and Bassam Sebti, “Violence Spreads in Iraq; Car Bomb Kills 17 in Baghdad,” Washington Post, November 12, 2004.

    [362] Alex Rodriguez and James Janega, “Iraq Rebels Step Up Attacks; 6 Police Stations in Mosul Hit; 17 Killed in Baghdad,” Chicago Tribune, November 12, 2004.

    [363] Ibid.

    [364] Dexter Filkins, “2 Car Bombings in Iraq Kill 41, Many Children,” New York Times, October 1, 2004.

    [365] Kim Sengupta, “Dozens of Iraqi Children Die in Baghdad Bomb Attack” The Independent, October 1, 2004.

    [366] Ibid.


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