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FORMER REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is the only one of the former Yugoslav republics to have become independent without bloodshed. It is bordered by Serbia (including theprovince of Kosovo), Bulgaria, Greece and Albania. Its population is about two million, composed of about 65 percent ethnic Macedonians, 22 percent ethnic Albanians, 5 percent ethnic Turks, 2 percent Macedonian Muslims, 3 percent Roma (Gypsies), 2 percent Serbs and .04 percent Vlachs. The human rights issues in Macedonia revolved around the rights of minorities.

A dispute with Greece over the country's name was resolved in April 1993 by admitting it to the United Nations with a temporary name, the "Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." To simplify, we use the term "Macedonia" in this chapter.

Macedonia established itself as a parliamentary democracy. Following a public referendum, the country declared its independence and adopted a new constitution in November 1991. The present government is a coalition of the Social Democrats (formerly the Communist Party) the largest Albanian party, and others. During 1993 five of the twenty-four ministers in the government were ethnic Albanians; one was an ethnic Turk. Serbs, Turks, Vlachs and Albanians were represented among vice-ministers. An inter-ethnic council composed of two representatives of each minority was created by the parliament.

Macedonia was making the difficult transition from communism to democracy and a free market economy, while facing a grave threat of a spillover of the Bosnian war. A United Nations Protective Force (UNPROFOR) of about 700 troops was deployed in Macedonia in December 1992; the U.S. added 300 troops in 1993.

The Macedonian constitution provides guarantees of equality, due process of law, free expression, freedom of religion, political freedom and other fundamental rights. But a stalemate in Parliament blocked passage of new laws needed to implement the constitution.

Free expression is guaranteed in the Macedonian constitution. There was no state censorship during 1993. In a legacy from communist times, the government owned the only newspaper printing facilities and controlled newsprint supplies (which were imported) and distribution. The government company, Nova Makedonija, printed daily newspapers in Macedonian as well as newspapers in Albanian and Turkish. Opposition views appeared in the government-controlled press. The largest opposition party, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (VMRO, which was nationalist and anti-communist), published its own paper. Some in the opposition believed that the government limited free press by charging inordinately high fees for printing and distributing opposition journals. However, the only opposition journal issued during 1993, Delo, was printed at a government printing plant outside of Skopje, the capital. Three earlier independent journals shut down for economic reasons.

The government owned and operated several radio and television stations. Many hours of programs in Albanian, Turkish, Vlach and Romany (the Gypsy language), but none in Serbian, were broadcast daily. Many private TV and radio stations had sprung up since independence.

Demonstrations, including protests against government actions, were freely held.

The government reported that it was re-training the police, moving away from the political police practices of the old regime.

Government opponents continued to complain of excessive use of force by police, however. The most serious incident took place in November 1992 following the police beating of a teenage Albanian cigarette seller. Hundreds of ethnic Albanians rioted; four people were killed. Police were also wounded by gunfire during the riot.

Equal treatment of minorities is guaranteed in the constitution. Minorities have the right to speak their own languages, issue newspapers or books in their own languages, and set up private schools. Government schools provide instruction in most minority languages where the number of minority children warrants it.

Nonetheless, many minority members have alleged discrimination in education. Most minorities argue that there were not enough elementary or secondary schools or universities for their children.

Job discrimination was another minority complaint. Ethnic Albanians asserted that they were discriminated against in government jobs and that, in areas where Albanians make up 80 percent of the population, the police force is 97 percent Macedonian. The prime minister confirmed this and told Helsinki Watch that the government had set a goal of 20 percent for minorities in the police academy, and that other affirmative action efforts were being undertaken in the army and the diplomatic service.

Ethnic Albanians contended that their representation in parliament was unequal; however, twenty-three of the 120 members of Parliament were Albanian. Ethnic Turks, whose members were not as concentrated, claim that voting districts were gerrymandered; Parliament contained no Turkish members.

A 1992 citizenship law established a fifteen-year residency requirement; Albanians argued for a five-year requirement. Thousands of ethnic Albanians have migrated to Macedonia from the Serbian province of Kosovo in recent years to escape abuse by the Serbian government. Because the 1991 census counted citizens, but not residents, ethnic Albanians boycotted it. A new census was planned for 1994.

The Serbian minority has some problems in addition to those shared with other minorities. Serbs are not mentioned by name in the preamble to the constitution, but are included only as an "other nationality"-a sore point with many Serbs.

During 1993, government television and radio stations provided no programs in Serbian, asserting that Serbs could receive programs from Serbia. Many Serbs, however, contended that Serbian programs provided news only about Serbia, and not about Macedonia.

Some Serbs alleged police brutality against young Serbs who wore Serbian hats or sang Serbian songs or in other ways asserted their Serbian identity.

Serbs could speak their own language and use their own names, although some alleged that Serbs with Serbian names were not given state jobs.

The Right to Monitor

No groups actively monitored general human rights abuses in Macedonia. The government cooperated fully with Helsinki Watch's monitoring mission in July.

U.S. Policy

The U.S. had not yet recognized the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia as of November. State Department representatives had been stationed in Macedonia since before its independence; a liaison office was established in Skopje in November to provide support for the U.S. troops serving with UNPROFOR and to provide liaison with a mission of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) which began monitoring conditions in Macedonia in 1992.

The U.S. allotted $10 million in SEED (Support for East European Democracy) funds for Macedonia for fiscal year 1993, and the administration requested $10 million for fiscal year 1994. As of November, $6 million had been obligated for specific projects.

The Work of Helsinki Watch

Helsinki Watch maintained a continuing presence in the former Yugoslavia, including Macedonia. Helsinki Watch sent a fact-finding mission to Macedonia in July and planned a report for early 1994. Its work in Macedonia involved monitoring human rights, particularly questions of free expression, minority rights, and the use of force by police.

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