January 2004
Conditions in the countryside remained tense in early 2004 and none of the parties to the recent civil war, state security forces included, were being punished for serious abuses against civilians. Although the internal conflict that broke out in September 2002 officially ended in July 2003, the Linas-Marcoussis peace accords signed in France in January 2003 were floundering by year's end. Threats of renewed attacks by both sides provoked fears of a fresh outbreak of violence. Over 4,000 French and 1,300 West African peacekeepers monitored the ceasefire line of a still intensely-divided nation. The north and most of the west of the country remained under the control of the three ex-rebel groups, called the Forces Nouvelles, while the government retained control of the south. Despite the inclusion of both sides in the new government of reconciliation, representatives of the Forces Nouvelles withdrew from the government in September 2003, citing President Gbagbo's lack of good faith in implementing the peace agreement as a key factor.
- Impunity of State Security Forces
- Proliferation and Impunity of Civilian Militias
- Abuses by the Forces Nouvelles
- Inter-Communal Conflict Over Land
- Key International Actors
Impunity of State Security Forces
Ivorian police, gendarmes and military have committed serious human rights violations—including torture, sexual violence, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and summary executions—since the military coup in 1999 and widespread election-related violence in 2000. Victims of these abuses have consistently been northern Ivorians, generally supporters or perceived supporters of the Rally of Republicans (Rassemblement de Republicains, RDR) opposition party, and West African immigrants. Throughout the months of open conflict, this pattern persisted. Hundreds of civilians perceived to be supporting the northern-based rebel movement were harassed, assaulted, arbitrarily arrested, detained, tortured, and, in many instances, executed based on their real or imputed ethnic, religious, and national affiliation. Ivorian police, paramilitary and armed forces were also responsible for brutal security operations in Abidjan, Daloa, Man and Monoko-Zohi that resulted in several massacres of civilians. To date, there have been no national or international investigations into these events, nor have any individuals been charged for any of these crimes.
Proliferation and Impunity of Civilian Militias
Civilian militia groups linked to political parties have played an increasingly prominent role in perpetrating abuses against civilians in government-held areas. Since 2000, youth groups linked to the ruling Popular Ivorian Front (Front Populaire Ivoirien, FPI) party of President Gbagbo have assaulted, raped, and killed political opposition members with impunity, often with the collaboration of members of the state security forces. During the conflict in 2002-2003, the Ivorian government's policy of encouraging civilians to form self-defence committees and participate in security tasks contributed to the growth and impunity of pro-government militia groups in Abidjan and the rural areas. In western Côte d'Ivoire, both government and rebel-supported militias on both sides participated in reprisal attacks based on ethnicity. Despite the presence of over 5,000 peacekeepers, militia groups on both sides continue to commit abuses against civilians with near-total impunity.
Abuses by the Forces Nouvelles
The three rebel groups making up the Forces Nouvelles were responsible for numerous attacks on government officials, members of the Popular Ivorian Front (Front Populaire Ivoirien, FPI), and perceived government supporters during the conflict. In the west of the country, civilians also suffered numerous serious abuses, including summary executions, torture, rape, and looting of civilian property, at the hands of the rebel movement and its Liberian mercenaries. Since the end of the conflict, accounts of armed robbery, looting, and rape have continued to surface from the areas controlled by the Forces Nouvelles.
Inter-Communal Conflict Over Land
Longstanding tensions over access and ownership of land became exacerbated by political rhetoric and increased xenophobia during the conflict in 2002-2003. Indigenous Ivorians, backed up by government rhetoric and in some cases by pro-government militias or by government security forces, forced thousands of West African immigrant farmers, a majority of whom are from Burkina Faso, from the lands they farmed in the west and southwest of the country. Few if any of those responsible for this violence were brought to justice. These acts also provoked reprisals in some areas. Reform of the land ownership law was among the package of legal reforms slated for review under the peace accord, however the government of reconciliation has yet to undertake action to end the violence and implement needed reforms.
Key International Actors
The Ivorian conflict generated immediate attention from its West African neighbors and the former colonial power, France. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) launched mediation efforts within days of the initial uprising in September 2002. ECOWAS concerns focused largely on the economic and humanitarian impact of the crisis and the risks to regional stability posed by the conflict. ECOWAS mediators brokered an initial ceasefire in October 2002, and continued to play a prominent role in setting up talks between the warring parties throughout 2003. However, their commitment to send in a West African cease-fire monitoring mission was hampered by funding constraints and stalled for more than two months after it was made. By mid-2003, approximately 1300 ECOWAS troops were deployed in a joint military mission with French forces, as ECOWAS political leaders continued pushing for political reconciliation.
In the interim, France expanded its military presence, deploying close to 4000 troops along the ceasefire line by early 2003. French political efforts to negotiate a peace accord bore fruit in January 2003 with the Linas-Marcoussis accords. However, the political stalemate that followed the official end of hostilities in July 2003 obstructed any meaningful implementation of the accords. French forces faced considerable hostility from both the government and the former rebels, particularly from the government-backed militia movement, which called for French troops to leave and allow the warring parties to resume hostilities. A small United Nations (U.N.) liaison force was in place in Côte d´Ivoire by mid-2003, but as anti-French feeling rose, particularly among the pro-government militia movement seeking to reignite the war, there were increasing calls for the French and ECOWAS forces to be recast as part of a strengthened U.N. mission.
The U.N., the European Union (E.U.), France and the United States made repeated calls to both sides to end human rights abuses and implement the peace accords throughout 2003. However, optimism that the end of the conflict was in sight dissipated as implementation of the peace accords stalled. In November 2003, the E.U. stated that it would continue to withhold €400 million (U.S. $465 million) of aid to Côte d'Ivoire pending implementation of the peace agreement. Suspension of aid and sustained political pressure from the E.U. and other donors remains a necessity, not only for implementation of the peace accords, but also for an end to the impunity that remains at the heart of the Ivorian conflict.
Related Material
More on Human Rights in Côte d'Ivoire
Country Page
HRW World Report 2004
Report, January 26, 2004