41. Manufacturers of antipersonnel mine dispenser systems are also included. Typically, new generation U.S. landmines are not hand emplaced. They are fired from special delivery systems on aircraft, artillery and other platforms. 42. A November 21, 1994 letter from George R. Schneiter, Director, Strategic and Tactical Systems, Acquisition and Technology, Office of the Undersecretary of Defense, to Rep. Lane Evans, identified twenty-one antipersonnel mine component suppliers. 43. Eagle Eye Publishing is a market research company that identifies prime contracts awarded by the federal government to the private sector. In this case, using the Federal Procurement Data System's product and service code for landmines (1345), Eagle Eye was able to identify every company awarded a federal prime contract for landmine production and supply work since 1985. However, in most cases no distinction is made between antipersonnel and antitank mine contracts.

The first list of U.S. companies involved in antipersonnel mine production was published by Human Rights Watch and Physicians for Human Rights in Landmines:A Deadly Legacy in 1993. It identified the "first tier" of main suppliers of mine components. The significant number of "secondary tier" suppliers of component parts for use in antipersonnel landmines is revealed for the first time in this report.41 The Human Rights Watch Arms Project has obtained documents through a variety of governmental and non-governmental sources that expose the corporate web of mine component suppliers across the country. While the forty-seven companies identified in this report represent more than twice the number acknowledged previously by DoD, Human Rights Watch is convinced that many more companies in the U.S. have been involved in the landmine industry, but have thus far escaped conclusive identification.42 The most valuable resources in our investigation came from public court documents relating to a 1993-95 legal dispute involving Accudyne, Hughes Aircraft and Alliant Techsystems, and the U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. Army, United States of America ex rel. John Fallon, et al., v. Accudyne Corp., et al. In addition, Eagle Eye Publishing provided Human Rights Watch with a database listing landmine production contracts since 1985.43 Further research was conducted through the U.S. Freedom of Information Act. Included in the court papers are company invoices from Accudyne identifying antipersonnel mine component suppliers, deposition testimony about alleged faults in one of the Army's smart mine systems, and verbal clashes between the defendants, the prosecution, and subpoenaed witnesses. The invoices list the names of many companies whose component parts were used to make several types of antipersonnel mines at the Accudyne plant in Janesville, Wisconsin. For example, in April 1990 Accudyne received 6,005 Allen Bradley resistor networks to be used in body assemblies for Volcano M87 antipersonnel mines (lot number ABC-1-4). In July 1989 two batches of Microsemi diodes were delivered for use in Gator BLU-92/B antipersonnel mines (lot number MIC-1-9).

44. Ibid. The figures include both antitank and antipersonnel mine production. 45. Ibid.

The forty-seven companies are located in twenty-three states. Six of the companies are foreign-owned; two parent companies are based in Germany, two in Japan, one in Norway, and one in Hong Kong. Individual companies have profited from landmine contracts worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Alliant Techsystems, in Hopkins, Minnesota, appears to be the largest recipient of landmine production contracts. DoD records show that Alliant, a spin-off from Honeywell, won $336,480,000 in landmine production contracts from 1985 to 1995.44 Alliant is also the parent company of Accudyne Corporation, in Janesville, Wisconsin, which reaped an estimated $150 million in landmine production contracts in the same time period.45

46. Eagle Eye Publishing, 1996.

Companies in these states received Pentagon prime contracts for antipersonnel and antitank landmine production for the following amounts from 1985 through 1995: Minnesota ($336,480,000), California ($163,676,972), Wisconsin ($150,000,000), Florida ($61,890,959), New York ($61,565,000), Pennsylvania ($51,195,000), Illinois ($44,526,000), Kansas ($22,218,000), Indiana ($20,444,000), New Jersey ($17,792,000), Connecticut ($15,085,000), Alabama ($14,728,000), Iowa ($10,295,000), Ohio ($7,941,000), Tennessee ($7,939,000), Maryland ($5,223,000), Michigan ($3,708,000), Texas ($3,698,000), Virginia ($1,008,000), Montana ($1,611,000), and Arizona ($37,000). This list does not include sub-contractors.46

47. Human Rights Watch has each of the renunciations in writing. Human Rights Watch sent certified letters to companies that did not respond, in order to insure that they were aware of our efforts.

As Human Rights Watch conclusively identified U.S. companies involved in antipersonnel mine production, we sent each a letter notifying it that the company would be named in this report and would be a target of the stigmatization campaign to be carried out by the U.S. Campaign to Ban Landmines. Human Rights Watch called on the companies to renounce any future involvement in antipersonnel mine production prior to publication of this report. Of the forty-seven producers, seventeen renounced future involvement in antipersonnel mine production, seventeen refused to renounce, and thirteen did not respond in writing.47

Human Rights Watch has been in dialogue—through letters, telephone calls, and e-mail—with many of these companies since August 1996. Many company representatives at first expressed great surprise at being named, and some vehemently denied involvement. Human Rights Watch sent its evidence—usually copies of relevant invoices or primary source material from the Department of Defense—to company representatives who were unaware or denied that any of their products had been used to make antipersonnel mines.