Since Haiti's army was disarmed by U.S. troops upon their arrival and later disbanded by Aristide, attachés, as an arm of the military, have ceased to exist. Many fled when U.S. forces invaded. Previous to Aristide's return, however, attachés were civilians employed, armed and directed by the military and police. Attachés were omnipresent and abused their enormous discretionary powers through murder, torture, arrests, beatings, extortion, imprisonment, and rape.
Interviews with Haitian human rights monitors, journalists and activists revealed a disturbing profile of attachés. According to one worker with the UN/OAS civilian mission in Haiti:
Although not a uniform practice, attachés are paid and carry an identification card. Some behavior is very common. They operate with absolute impunity or apparent acquiescence on the part of the military; they commit crimes in the presence of the military and police; they are heavily armed; and they act with an air of authority.76
In a country wracked by generalized lawlessness, repression and terror, it was at times difficult to know who was an attaché and who was not. The military authorities benefitted from keeping the identification of attachés as fluid as possible. In this way the military could intimidate the general population while disavowing any responsibility for the abuses committed by ubiquitous armed civilians.
F.F. was stopped and assaulted by two attachés on the evening of January 29, 1994. F.F., a twenty-six-year-old student, was an active supporter of President Aristide. She and her fellow students organized demonstrations in support of Aristide's policies while he was in office. The comments and actions of F.F.'s attackers illustrate the assumption made by the military,attachés and others that residents of poor neighborhoods necessarily are Aristide supporters. She told us:
It was about 7:00 p.m., and I was walking home from a visit at a friend's house. I saw two guys ahead of me and it looked like they were talking together. I tried to pass around them, and one of them grabbed my arm. . . . They both had guns and asked me where I was coming from. Then they threatened me, saying if I screamed out they would kill me.
They asked me my name, where I lived, and what my political opinions were. When one asked about my political opinions, I thought to myself, "If he is just going to rob me why is he asking me this?" I said I was not political. They started looking through my purse, but I had no money and that is why I was walking. Then one said, "In the area where you live, I know you do not have any money, and I do not care what you say, I know everyone in your neighborhood supports Aristide."
While we were standing there I heard a gunshot. One of the guys said, "What's that noise?" and the other responded, "It is just the sergeant killing someone who resisted." They proceeded to inquire more about my political beliefs, and they asked if I had a boyfriend, to which I responded, "Yes." Then one said, "I am going to rape you. Tell your boyfriend and your 'Father' [a reference to Aristide] that I am going to rape you."
Both men raped F.F. After the rape, one wanted to kill her to prevent her from identifying him later. The other succeeded in dissuading him. They told her to walk "normal like nothing has happened to you." Once out of their sight, F.F. did not stop running until she reached her home.
F.F., unlike most of the women interviewed, sought medical attention. Her Port-au-Prince gynecologist treated her with antibiotics to prevent infection and tested her for sexually transmitted diseases. She did not, however, report the rape to the police:
I did not file a police report. I would never speak to the police. I have heard that it is worse when you talk to them. You really risk your life going to talk to them, because everyone knows they are part of the crime problem.77
76 Interview, William O'Neill, former legal director of the UN/OAS International Civilian Mission in Haiti, March 29, 1994.
77 Interview, Port-au-Prince, February 16, 1994.
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